Spain
September 1529, 11-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

Year published

1879

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203-220

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'Spain: September 1529, 11-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 203-220. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87688 Date accessed: 01 August 2014.


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September 1529, 11-20

11 Sept.142. Praët and Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848,
f.77.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f.133.
Having alluded in a former despatch to the negociations which the Pope himself was carrying on with the ambassadors of the Duke Francesco Sforza, we now consider it our duty to give a full account of them. (Cipher:) Sanga brought the other day the draft of a memorandum of what had been proposed by the Milanese ambassadors in their various conferences with the Pope. It contained several articles and among them the following: "Though their master has full means to clear himself from the charges brought against him, yet he prefers not having recourse to justice but throwing himself at once upon the Emperor's mercy."
Upon inquiry whether the memorandum came direct from the Pope or from the Duke's ambassadors, and whether these last had been really empowered to treat in their master's name, we were told that they had no real powers from the Duke, but had been told that anything the Pope did in the matter he (Sforza) would at once sanction and approve.
We then remarked that as one of the stipulations was that a sum of money should be paid by the Duke partly for the investiture, and partly for the costs and damages of the late war, it was our opinion that the amount of this second and most important portion should be fixed at once, as well as the dates of payment, that Your Imperial Majesty might decide in view of the offers made.
The Pope approved the idea, and next day Jacopo Salviati came to ask us whether 700,000 ducats did not seem a sufficient sum, namely, 600,000 for the investiture and 100,000 for the war indemnity. Our answer was that we considered the indemnity insufficient, and yet we did not insist at the time upon its increase, for in reality if the truth be told (como esto se puede asegurar) in articles of greater importance to us the Milanese themselves seemed to make no difficulty.
All our efforts therefore have been directed towards securing the proposed marriage and other matters. The Pope thought that the Duke ought to give in pledge the castles of Milan and Cremona until the stipulated sums had been paid, or else that he should deliver into Your Majesty's hands as many fortresses and towns as would be a competent security for the payment. The draft brought by Sanga proposed that the castle of Cremona or the city of Como should be placed in the hands of trusty persons such as the Marquis of Mantua (Federigo Gonzaga) or Prothonotary Caracciolo, under most solemn oath that upon the money being paid they should be restituted.
Our reply was that it would not look well that such persons as those named or any others should be appointed. What might be right between equals did not seem well between lord and vassal. They had better leave it in the hands of Your Majesty, for, after all, it came to the same thing, as you would willingly swear to restore the towns as soon as the money was paid. The Pope approved the idea.
We also objected to the places named. We considered Cremona or Como too small a security for the proposed object, The Pope offered to consult upon the matter with the Duke's secretary. The answer he got from him was that were his master to deliver up those two places his subjects would lose all respect for him, and he would not be in a situation to raise the money. He proposed hostages instead of towns, but we refused, and said that unless the proposals were in our opinion admissible we did not choose to trouble the Emperor with them.
One feature, however, is important. In the course of conversation, and whilst we maintained that Como was no sufficient guarantee, the Duke's secretary inquired whether we would not accept Alessandria, of which he began at once to sing the praises. Not to show too strong a wish on our part of becoming possessed of their territory. we feigned to be pleased, but the truth is that with Cremona and Como, and their respective territories in our hands they cannot laugh at us.
(Common writing:) The Pope is very much pleased with Your Majesty's answer to the Florentines. He hopes that as soon as the Imperial army enters their territory they will change their minds and return to their allegiance. But it appears that the party of resistance has lately gained spirit, owing to the Prince's delay, who, they say, does not advance fast enough for want of sufficient forces, and because they believe that those of the Emperor are not so considerable as they anticipated.
Letters from France received by the Pope mention two facts at which he shows great contentment. One is that the King has given orders for the fitting out of the galleys he is bound to send according to stipulation. The other is that the Venetian ambassador at the court of France having solicited certain affairs of the Signory, the King answered in very bad humour: "I will soon send to them the Marshal [Montmorency] or Brion, and we shall then see what they have to say," meaning, no doubt, that he has some plan against them. This intelligence makes the Pope think that the French King is in earnest now, at least until he has recovered his sons.
The mass, oration, and rejoicings for the peace have been prorogued till the Sunday after next, that the show may be more brilliant and effective. The Pope says that the Bishop of Tarbes has promised to attend, and has received express orders from his master commanding him, in case he is not obliged to be at Rome, to proceed to Genoa and join the embassy which is going thither.
Enclose a letter received from Cardinal Colonna at Naples with excellent news from Brindisi.—Rome, 11th September 1529.
Spanish. Original. pp. 9.
12 Sept.143. The Earl of Desmond to the Emperor.
Arch. d. Rme. de
Belg. Neg. d'Angl.
vol. I., f. 18.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f.145.
Has from his earliest youth successfully defended himself against all the Irish lords, and many others of various nations and countries who have made incessant war upon him. The English, especially through their deputy lieutenants in Ireland, and at the request of his own enemies and "emuli," have always done him all the harm they possibly could. Among other injuries sustained at their hands they have lately robbed him of 100,000.., the produce of wine and other merchandize remitted to various traders in his dominions. (fn. 1) Begs for a prompt remedy to his many losses and that wine and other articles, and indeed all sorts of goods be sent to him by the subjects of the Emperor, at his own expense, in armed vessels with which and with their crews he may wage war on all the Emperor's enemies, and especially on the French a thing which he cannot well accomplish without help. (fn. 2) Indeed he begs to inform the Emperor that should the assistance he asks for be granted, he considers himself strong enough, with God's favour, to drive off the French from all the Irish ports.
In case of the Emperor making his peace with England, he (the Earl) begs to be strongly recommended that he may have back the property taken from him in the ports of the coast of Ireland from Dunllynd (Dunkeld) down to Waterford, where, as he (the Emperor) has no doubt heard from his subjects trading to these parts, he is supreme lord.
Ex manerio meo de Insula, XII. die Septembris. Vester fidelis subditus Jacobus, comes Desmondie, Dominus Deciè et Ogonyll ac libertatis Kerrigie.
Latin. Original. pp. 2.
12 Sept.144. The Emperor to Cardinal Pompeo Colonna.
S. E. L. 1,555,
f. 66.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 144.
In view of the reports which he (Colonna) has made about Girolamo Morone, he (the Emperor) orders him with all possible secrecy to try and induce him to go to the Viceroy (Chalon). Has given his instructions to that effect. Should the said Morone, whilst on the road, try to escape, or take a suspicious route, such as that of Venice, then in that case he is to be arrested and sent as prisoner to the Viceroy [of Naples]. Recommends the greatest diligence and secrecy, as the affair is very important.—Piacenza, 12th September 1529.
Spanish. Original. p. 1.
12 Sept.145. The Emperor to his Ambassadors at Rome.
S. E. L. 1,555,
f.125.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f.138.
Our answer to your joint despatch of the 7th inst. was taken by Albornoz, the courier, as likewise our letter of the 7th, explaining the matter of the oath and its form. Since then, on the 8th, your own despatches of the 3rd and 4th, as well as the duplicate of the one of the 1st, sent by Captain Joan Baptista Castaldo, have come to hand.
(Cipher:) With regard to the Venetians and the efforts made by His Holiness and by you to bring them to terms, We fully approve everything that has been done hitherto. We have informed the Marquis of Mantua of it through his ambassador at this our Court, but We firmly believe that they will not send powers there or here unless compelled to it by sheer necessity or by a sense of their personal danger. They shall be threatened both by land and sea, so as to oblige them to declare [their intentions], and at the same time convince them (darles sospechas) of the probability of a separate agreement being soon made with Francesco Sforza, whose ambassador is actually here [at Piacenza], invested with full powers to treat with us. What they (the Venetians) say about Andrea Doria is wholly without foundation; if any overtures were ever made to them they were extra-official, and came from private persons. As to Prothonotary Caracciolo, though the matter was once discussed, it was never executed, and the thing dropped.
We were glad to hear of the taking of Hispelo, (fn. 3) &c.
Respecting the Florentine ambassadors His Holiness must entertain no fears, as We wrote to you from Voguera. Whatever has hitherto been done in the affair has been done with the full sanction of the Papal Nuncio. Besides, as they were not empowered to treat, nothing could be settled.
The Bishop of Tarbes is not a sufficiently grave and serious a person (asentado) for his words to deserve much credit. His Holiness, therefore, must not be shocked at his sayings. As you wisely conjecture, his instructions must have been framed before the peace was finally concluded at Cambray. There is, therefore, no reason to fear that as long as the sons of France remain in our keeping the king of that country will disregard the articles of the treaty. Your answers concerning Malatesta and the most Reverend Cardinal [Gattinara], our Grand Chancellor, were likewise very opportune. The Bishop being one of those men always apt to judge of others by themselves.
The discontent, which you say the Italians in general feel at the manner in which they have been treated by France on this occasion, will be the cause of their acknowledging their error, and looking out for the best means of ensuring tranquillity and peace.
All that has hitherto been done in behalf of our dear aunt, the Queen of England, has met with our full approbation. Yet if, as you say, His Holiness is in favour of the suspension, "a beneplacito," and really wishes for it, We see no reason why We should not give him and the English satisfaction in that respect, provided, however, the advocation be accomplished, and the inhibition to the judges remain in full vigour. The King might then relinquish his suit, come to a good understanding with us, and entirely forget the "litis pendentia" in which he has voluntarily engaged; he might, moreover, dissemble so as not to suffer humiliation or receive injury in his reputation in case of the suit being decided in a court of law. And since you wish to know what our orders are in this particular, We tell you at once that your answer to His Holiness and to the English ambassadors must be as satisfactory as possible, and so shaped that, without injury to the Queen's cause, it may be the means of her being better treated in the meanwhile. For this very reason it is urgent that His Holiness send as soon as possible the promised brief exhorting the King to continue to live with the Queen as his wife.
With regard to the Abbot of Farfa and his excesses, it is quite clear to us that the Pope is bound to put a stop to them while it is yet time.
Licence for the sale of Church lands in Germany— bishopric of Huesca in Aragon —Erasmus Doria and his presentation to the see of Elna in Rousillon —the son of Felipe Cerbellon and the abbacy of Castel Beltran.
The Archbishop of Capua (Schomberg) has sailed from Genoa in the galleys of Sicily. He must be at Rome by this time. Our fleet must also be under weigh for the coast of Naples. With this and the forces which Hernando de Alarcon has under his command We trust that the affairs of that kingdom will very much improve, and as the Venetians will soon be pressed (apretados) on that side, they will be obliged henceforward to attend to their own defence rather than attack others.
The Imperial canal. (acequia) of Aragon, &c.
Don Sigismundo de Luna, eldest son of Don Jayme, Count of Calathabellota in Sicily, and his father have both been guilty of a most atrocious crime, as you will see by the enclosed memorandum. As it is presumed that the said Sigismundo and his father have absented themselves from that island, together with other of their accomplices, and gone to Rome, you will immediately make secret inquiries on the spot, and if it should turn out that Sigismundo or any of his accomplices be in that capital you will earnestly request the Pope to have him or them arrested, and delivered into the hands of our Viceroy [Pignatello], there to be tried and sentenced as the case requires.
We arrived here at Piacenza last Monday. Antonio de Leyva came also, and after discussing affairs with him it was agreed that the forces under the Prince should be exclusively employed in reducing Florence and Ferrara, for although an agent of the Duke [Alfonso d' Este] has lately come here to treat with us and with the Papal Nuncio, nothing shall be done without his (the Pope's) concurrence and approval.
The German army, already in the Mantuan, is to proceed by forced marches against Venice, whilst Leyva with his Spanish infantry joins the army under our own immediate command. We are not yet decided as to the destination of these forces, whether they are to march against the fortresses and towns still occupied by Francesco Sforza or against Venice itself, for the Duke [of Milan], as you know, has sent us ambassadors. These latter maintain that their master, as far as the first charge brought against him is concerned, does not sue for pardon but for full justice, because he believes himself innocent. In what happened afterwards he acknowledges his error, alleging as an excuse that what he has done since has been only in self-defence. For this last misdeed he certainly implores our mercy and promises meantime to prepare provisions and quarters for our army [of Lombardy]. Our answer to these proposals of the Duke Sforza has been, that whatever his agents may have stipulated with His Holiness shall be most strictly observed by us, and full justice done unto him. Yet for the security of our armies in Lombardy, whilst his case is being tried, he (the Duke) is to surrender Pavia and Alessandria, keeping only Cremona, Lodi, and the rest of the Duchy now in his hands. We, on the other hand, pledge our most solemn word that the present undertaking at an end, We will restore those cities to him as We received them; and, moreover, that his case being tried, and he coming out innocent, as We sincerely hope he will, We will give back to him the whole of his duchy. In the event, however, of the Duke being found guilty and sentenced to lose his estate, We shall behave towards him in such a manner that he will have cause to praise our magnanimity, as We will bestow upon him as a fief, and with such title as he may choose, Cremona, Lodi, and the whole of the Giaradada to be held by him and his successors in perpetuum: or if he should prefer entering the Church, We will request His Holiness to give him a cardinal's hat, and will also provide for him a competent revenue from the lands of the Church.
With this his ambassador went away, and has since returned with the enclosed answer, upon which our Council met and has come to the following decision: That there is no legitimate cause or reason why We should be satisfied with the securities he (the Duke) offers us, and that it is more just that he should trust his fief Lord than that We should trust him, being, as he is still, the friend and ally of our enemies. To-day the Milanese ambassador is to receive an answer to this effect. He will be told that his master's offers are not acceptable, and that unless he makes more satisfactory ones We shall give the orders most suitable for our interests, as We cannot possibly wait any longer.
You will inform His Holiness of this, and assure him that, as much on this point of Milan as on other points of Italian politics, We still persist in our intention of fulfilling to the letter the treaty of Barcelona. And you will also earnestly request him in our name that since the press of business attending this and other affairs is so great as to prevent us from going to Rome, as was our duty, he be pleased to confer upon us the favour of coming as far as Bologna, where We will meet him on the day he pleases to appoint. — Piacenza, 12th September 1529.
Spanish. Original draft mostly in cipher. pp. 12.
13 Sept.146. The Emperor to Lope de Soria.
S. E. Princ. d Ital.
L. 1,454-75.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 146.
Appoints him commissary general "in curia atque aula nostra Cesarea, et in exercitu nostro quem in præsentia in Insubria habemus, et deinceps habitare sumus," for all affairs concerning the provisioning of the army and necessaries of war, such as gunpowder, vessels, bridges, pioneers (gastadores), artillery, transports. All local authorities to obey him, &c.— Piacenza, 13th September 1529. (fn. 4)
13 Sept.147. The Marquis of Mantua to the Emperor.
Lanz. Correspondez,
&c., vol. I., p. 330.
Has heard from Mr. de Pelux (Peloux) what the Emperor's wishes are. Is ready to execute his orders implicitly, as he is, and will ever be, His Majesty's most faithful and devoted servant. As Mr. de Peloux, who is now returning to the Emperor, will soon be the interpreter of his sentiments, he (the Marquis) need not say any more than to beg full credence for him. — Mantua, 14th September 1529.
Signed: "Federico di Mantua."
Italian. Original. p. 1.
14 Sept.148. The Emperor to Louis de Praët and Miguel Mai.
1,555, f. 128.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 148.
Since our letter of yesterday the Duke Francesco Sforza has sent in new proposals, which being no more advantageous than the former, We have considered fit to reject. Nevertheless, that His Holiness and all the world may appreciate our moderation, and our extreme desire of restoring peace to Italy and devoting ourselves exclusively to the war against the Turk, We now send Don Garcia de Padilla, High Commander of the order of Calatrava and member of our Council, Prothonotary Caracciolo, and with them Pero Garcia, our secretary, to inform the Duke of the particulars contained in the enclosed sheet.
The Sienese on our first landing at Genoa sent to offer their services. As We wish to bestow favour upon them, you will consider them as our friends and allies, and forward any affairs they may have at that Court. — Piacenza, 14th September 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
14 Sept.149. The Pope to the Emperor.
S. Pat. Re. Bulas.
Sueltas, L. 1,
f. 135.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 150.
Sends Braccio de Martellis, his chamberlain, with the "pileum rubrum cum annulo, plena cardinalatus insignia" for the High Chancellor, Mercurino de Gattinara. — Rome, 14th September 1529.
Latin. Original. p. 1.
15 Sept.150. Louis de Praët and Miguel Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848,
ff. 89-90.
B. M. Add 28,579,
f. 151.
Wrote on Sunday, the 12th inst., (fn. 5) advising the retreat of the Venetians from Brindisi as related by private letters. Since then we have heard from the Prince [of Orange] that Perugia has capitulated. The terms are here enclosed. The Pope was very glad of it, and immediately ordered the briefs to be made out in approval of the capitulation. Muscetola (sic) tells us that he has had letters from a kinsman of Malatesta saying that he wishes to make his peace with the Emperor. But however desirable, it is to be feared that it will not take place before the enterprise of Florence is fairly carried through; for Malatesta, they say, is a man of honour (hombre de bien), and wishes to stand by the Florentines to the very last.
According to the same advices the plan of defence adopted by the latter consists chiefly in gaining time until the approach of winter, when they fancy the Imperial army will not be able to undertake anything serious against them. That appears also to be the secret of Malatesta's negociation, and the present hope of the Florentines, who talk of sending a new embassy to the Emperor, and another to the Prince, although this last is said to be rather for the purpose of ascertaining the number and quality of the forces under him than for any other. The Prince, therefore, has been advised by us to pass his forces, which are daily increasing, under muster, so that when the Florentine ambassadors call on him they may be impressed with the necessity of coming to terms.
Both the Duke of Malfa (Piccolomini), who commands at Siena in the Emperor's name, and Francisco de Tovar, whom the Prince sent thither also, have written to say that everything is ready for them to join with artillery, ammunition, &c. Hardly a soul (they say) remained in the city capable of bearing arms, as all were most desirous of seeing their old enemy put down, and sacking Florence, which is said to contain great riches. It will be a miracle if the city, when taken, is not completely destroyed.
The other day, as the Emperor has no doubt been informed, great excesses were committed by our soldiers at the taking of Espelli. (fn. 6) Wrote to him advising that some of the ringleaders should be arrested and punished, as it will not do when the Emperor comes as a peace-maker to Italy to have such injuries inflicted upon the inhabitants. His answer has been: All the men under my command deserve punishment, but this is no time to deprive the Emperor of their services. The other day the 2,000 Spanish infantry, now marching [to Piacenza] sacked a town of the Pope called Todo (Todi), and the Pope has mentioned the fact to us feelingly, though with his usual modesty. The Marquis, however, has written to say that on his arrival there he had two of them hanged.
Yesterday there was a rumour here that the Florentines had appointed two ambassadors: one to the Pope and another to the Prince; and also that the Duke of Bari [Francesco Sforza] had sent another to the Emperor.
The Abbot of Farfa has sent all his force, consisting of about 500 men, to Florence. They have already operated their junction with Malatesta and the garrison that capitulated at Perugia. By this time they are probably at Arezzo. The Abbot, however, has not moved, and is still at Bracciano with 100 hackbutiers and 30 light horse.
Mass will be said next Sunday, followed by a sermon (oracion),after which the usual rejoicings will commence. In order to avoid any questions of precedence arising between the English ambassadors and that of the king of Hungary (Ferdinand), it has been decided that Andrea del Burgo do not attend the ceremony.
Antonio della Rubiera, the agent of the Duchess of Urbino (Leonora Ippolita di Gonzaga), came two days ago to say that she had given passage through her estates and provisions to the Imperial troops, and was entirely at the Emperor's service. That the Duke, her husband, had always wished to do so, and that as soon as the time of his "condotta" under the Venetians was up he would solicit the favour of serving the Empire. Ascanio [Colonna], as it would appear, was actually suing for the estate of Urbino, apparently with some right, for he assumed that the mother (fn. 7) of the Duke (Francesco Maria) was younger sister of his mother [Agnesina di Montefeltro]. However, ever, Ascanio is already so rich and powerful in Italy that it is not for the Emperor's interest that he should become more so.
Salviati shewed us a letter from the Vice-Legate at Bologna, of the 10th inst., saying that the Duke of Ferrara [Alfonso d' Este] was strengthening the towns and castles of his estate more than usual, in the hope, as it was presumed, that the scarcity of resources and the approaching winter would mar the Emperor's projects, and his visit to Italy prove as sterile as that of [his grandfather], the Emperor Maximilian. He also hoped that Antonio de Leyva would advise the carrying on of war in Lombardy (la guerra de Milan), as he did at the time when Brunswick's Germans came over. If so, the Duke considered himself secure for a time. He (Salviati) said also that a courier of the Florentines, Rycio (Ricci?) by name, had lately passed through the land of the Switzers, coming from France, and brought him letters, after reading which he (the Duke) was in great spirits and more determined than ever to make a defence.
The oath at Piacenza, &c.—Rome, l5th September 1529.
Signed; " Loys de Praët.—Mai"
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. pp. 8.
16 Sept.151. The Emperor to his Ambassadors at Rome.
S. E. L. 1,555,
f. 130.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 155.
The High Commander of Calatrava [D. Garcia de Padilla], and Prothonotary Caracciolo, returned yesterday with the answer of the Duke [Francesco Sforza], which has been rather unsatisfactory, for he seems to find fault with the words of our memorandum: the present undertaking at an end, and even before he has taken his trial, We shall restore Pavia and Alessandria just as We received them from him. He (the Duke) pretends to have heard from his secretary at Rome that you (the ambassadors) had already taken this affair in hand; and therefore that whatever engagements he had taken with the Pope he was ready to fulfil, nothing more.
In view of such refusal it behoves us for the furtherance of our plans, and for the pacification of Italy, to obtain by force of arms that which the Duke will not surrender at our prayer. You will take the earliest opportunity of acquainting His Holiness with all this.—Piacenza, 16th September 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
18 Sept.152. Eustace Chapuys to Margaret.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P.Fasc.,
c. 225, No. 17.
Madame: Since my last (fn. 8) advising that the King had written and sent a personage to accompany me to Court, I have seen His Highness, by whom, as well as by all his courtiers, I was very well and most honourably received, if their mien and manner did not deceive me. I had audience on the day of the Holy Cross after mass, and conversed long with the King. Indeed, had it not been that he was in a hurry to go to dinner, in order to repair afterwards to the hunting field and take leave (congié) of the chase, as he is in the habit of doing at this season of the year, our conference would have lasted much longer, and been more to the purpose. It turned chiefly on the first and principal article of my instructions, the Queen's business. As it was also the first opportunity the King had to enter fully into the subject, he began to treat the matter as one in which he was deeply concerned, and which he had much at heart, wishing at the same time to appear as if he were very learned in canon law, and had carefully studied the case, alleging reasons and producing arguments in his favour more or less plausible (colourés), the detail of which I omit for brevity's sake, and especially because the Queen has sent me word not to write about my interview and what he (the King) said to me until I hear from her. As soon as she gives me permission I shall not fail to send a full report.
After dinner the King, to whom I had expressed my wish of being introduced to the Queen, and presenting her with the Emperor's letter, bade one of his chamberlains to conduct me to her apartments. Having exhibited my credentials, and delivered the letter, I went on to explain the substance of my instructions, and the conversation I had had with the King, her husband, and what I myself had replied to the King's arguments. She seemed very glad, and said to me that I could not have said more in her favour; but that the room being full of people at the time, she could not do more than express her gratitude and assure me that an ambassador from the Emperor at such a time was a great comfort in the midst of her tribulations. She then begged me to call on Cardinal Campeggio before his departure [for Rome], both in her own name and in that of the King, and make certain representations (pour faire quelque remonstrance), which I have done. Also warned me against giving to the Cardinal of York the letters I had for him, and advised me not to visit him before I knew the issue of his affairs which, she said, were then at a very low ebb indeed. For although he has been long asking permission to re-appear at Court, and has at last obtained it through Campeggio's influence, it is now certain that he will not trouble the Court as he did before, for already on my first arrival in London it was decided that his opponents now in power, of whom I have spoken in former despatches, are to reside at Court, and that he (Wolsey) is to remain at his country seat, three miles away, and not to come unless sent for. The Queen ended by saying she would soon forward to me through her own physician (fn. 9) from time to time such information as I might require to send home, &c.
The King has not yet allowed the notification (intimation) of the advocation to be made to him, for he finds that to be personally summoned to Rome is a morsel too big for him to swallow. (fn. 10) Nor has the inhibition been served against the two cardinals except by way of a brief addressed by His Holiness the Pope to that of York (Wolsey), as the King would not allow it to be made in the legal form. However this may be, the inhibition has been notified to the Cardinal (Wolsey), and so the two cardinals have given up their judicial functions by a public deed, of which a copy will be forwarded by next post. (fn. 11) The act in itself is considered sufficient as far as the judges are concerned; not so with regard to the parties themselves. There is, however, in my opinion, means of supplying the deficiency, as I will point out to you in my next despatch.
Campeggio, since the inhibition, is asking for leave to go home. I should like to hear that on his departure from this country the King, for whom he has worked so honestly, gave him the promised bishopric. (fn. 12)
Monsieur de Langes (fn. 13) has been here for the purpose of recovering the rest of the rings (bagues) belonging to the Emperor, as well as to ask for some help in money towards the payment of the sum promised [as ransom for his children]. According to his brother, Mons. de Bayonne, (fn. 14) who came this very morning to call on me, the French ambassador has very good chance of success, for the King will give him anything he wants in that way. I am not aware that Mr. de Langes has brought [to England] any other commissions besides these two.
There has been here much talk about the personages to be sent as ambassadors to His Imperial Majesty. Besides those whose names I mentioned in my despatch of the 4th, the Admiral of England, and Monsieur de Montjoye, (fn. 15) the Queen's chamberlain, have been designated as likely to go [to Italy]; but it appears it is now settled that the Master of the Horse (grand escuyer), (fn. 16) Dr. Sanson, and a third, whose name I do not know, are to be appointed. The two above named will not make a long stay, but the other will remain and reside at the Imperial Court. There is likewise a rumour that another embassy is being prepared for France, of which George Boloyne (Boleyn), the brother of Madame (Anna), is to form part. Who the others are to be I cannot say at present, but as I shall have to address you soon again, the information, if obtained, shall go by my next despatch."—London, 18th September 1529.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: " A Madame."
French. Original. pp. 3.
18 Sept.153. The Same to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-Staats Arch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 224, No. 47.
The enclosed is an authentic copy of the inhibition made to the two cardinals (York et Campeggio), (fn. 17) and their declarations to desist entirely from the trial of the divorce case now advoked to Rome.—London, 11th September 1529.
Signed:" Thomas Card. de Sancta Cecilia, Archiepiscopus Evoracensis — Laurentius Card. Campeggio."
Latin and French. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
154. Memorandum, in 14 Articles, presented by the Ambassadors of England.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-Staate Arch.
Wien..Rep.P.Fasc..,
c. 224, No. 49.
The following are the doubts and objections hitherto raised against the marriage of King Henry and Katharine of Aragon. The principal and most important being whether the Pope could or could not grant a dispensation to the parties to marry.—Factum.
Signed: "Henricus VII. Angliæ Rex."
Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 3.
19 Sept.155. The Marquis of Mantua to Monsieur de Peloux.
S. E. L. 848.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 330.
You will be pleased, after kissing the Emperor's hands, to express my most heartfelt thanks for the honour just conferred upon me, as well as for the good opinion he has formed of my personal abilities since he has granted me the command-in-chief of his Italian army [in Lombardy]. I will do everything in my power to deserve such confidence, though owing to the state of my health, which as you know is so poor just now that I am unable to rise from my bed, I shall not be able to do much at present. You know, however, that my intention is to assist the Emperor with all my power, and that nothing shall be left undone as far as I am concerned.
Respecting the Emperor's plan of campaign, which consists, if I am rightly informed, in attacking Cremona, and investing it so closely on all sides that it may not receive succour of men and provisions from the outside, your Worship knows very well what my opinion is on the subject. Though it is highly improbable that, however sudden and secret the attack, the Venetians will not have time to send thither the supplies that are required, yet in my opinion an attack upon that city must needs be made. But then I do not know what His Imperial Majesty's plans are, and which of the two, Cremona or Venice, is to be attacked first. If Cremona, I should like to hear beforehand, for we might set about at once making preparations, &c.
If, on the contrary, the Emperor wishes us to invade first the Venetian territory, in that case the best way would be to begin at Verona, which would be of the utmost importance for His Imperial Majesty in the event of his journey to Germany. In the meantime and whilst the necessary preparations were being made, the Germans, in my opinion, ought not to stir from where they are now, and if obliged to move on for the sake of provisions and better quarters, not to go beyond their present quarters more than four or five miles, so that if required for any of the above-named expeditions, they may be in position to be directed against Cremona, or if it he His Imperial Majesty's pleasure, against Verona or even Brescia. Meanwhile, in my humble opinion, Venice should be undertaken first, and the German bands remain under the command of the captains who brought them over to Italy. I believe Count Felix [of Werdenberg] to be a good soldier, well fit for the command, and have accordingly written to him not to move from the spot where he is until His Imperial Majesty's pleasure is ascertained.
You will tell the Emperor how advantageous it would be in either case to join to those German bands, which are said to be excellent and chiefly composed of veteran soldiers, a good number of hackbutiers, Italian or Spanish, who might perhaps be more useful in the present mode of warfare.
Three are my reasons for urging that a decision be taken as soon as possible in this matter. One is the Emperor's reputation, which might suffer considerably, if, after so many days spent in Italy, nothing was done one way or the other. The second, the great expense and cost of so many armies, and the third, the approach of the winter season, during which military operations are not so easily conducted as at other times.
Indorsed: "II Marchese di Mantua à Monsignore di Pelu," (sic.)
Italian. Original, pp. 2½.
20 Sept.156. The Emperor to his Ambassadors at Rome.
S. E. L. 1,555,
f. 136.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 157.
Francesco Sforza rejects reasonable terms. Must use force. The troops under Antonio de Leyva, and part of those which have been sent to Pavia, (fn. 18) and are expected to reach their destination to-day, have orders to march at once into the Duke's territory. Orders have likewise been sent to the Marquis of Mantua (Federigo Gonzaga) to invade the Venetian territory with the army that came lately from Flanders and Germany, and do therein all the harm he possibly can. Pavia and Alessandria once reduced, the troops under Leyva are also to march against Venice untils the Signory comes to terms as it is just they should.—Piacenza, 20th September 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 1½.
20 Sept.157. The "Vicario and Dodeci Della Provisione di Milano" to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,553,
f. 385.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 158.
Yesterday, the 19th, the Spanish infantry arrived in this city in a state of mutiny, and quartered themselves upon the citizens, intending to live at their expense (comiendo á discrecion). The city is so exhausted and ruined that it cannot bear this new burden. It is reduced to a mere corpse. Beg him to command his soldiers not to treat the Milanese as enemies.—Milan, 20th September 1529.
Italian. Original. p. 1.
20 Sept.158. Loys de Praët and Miçer Miguel Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848,
ff. 89-90.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 159.
Thursday, the 16th inst., in the afternoon, Cisneros, the courier, arrived with the Imperial letters of the 12th, having stopped full 24 hours at the Prince's camp, who, occupied as he was at the time in the taking of Cortona, could not attend to him at once.
Communicated the measures to be taken against the Venetians, and also against the Duke; and His Holiness approved of them. Reported also on the affair of Don Sigismundo and shewed him the orders issued for his apprehension; but His Holiness objected to his arrest, and to give him up to the Imperial magistrates to be judged, on the plea that Rome was of old a free town, where no refugee could be captured. As Don Sigismundo is closely related to His Holiness, and is almost his guest, since he is now staying with Jacopo Salviati within the Palace, we have not insisted on this point until we hear what the Emperor's pleasure is.
Spoke to him about ecclesiastical promotions. The Pope made some difficulties about the Lord of Monaco, who, he said, had already two archbishoprics, namely, one in France, (Grasse), the other in Sardinia (Oristan).
According to advices from Naples, the Venetians at Brindisi fired three pieces of ordnance, and one of their captains, Simon Romano, a distinguished knight of this country, who had served under the French, and was a man of importance, was killed in consequence.
Quarta.—Accquia or Imperial Canal of Aragon.
Miçer Andrea del Burgo tells us he hears from certain quarters that His Imperial Majesty must be very careful about his cook, and have all his food closely tested every day.
Gave the Pope his message about the English business. He told us that the brief had already been sent, and that he trusted the affair would come to a good issue.
The Bishop of Tarbes (Grammont) is at his usual tricks again. The other day he went to the Pope and told him that the principal reason the Venetians had for not coming to terms with the Emperor was their unwillingness to give up Ravenna and Cervia. They would (he knew) gladly sign the peace provided an article was added to the treaty intimating that the affair should be tried juridically in order to ascertain to whom those cities really belonged. The Pope's answer was, that after the towns had been restored to him, he should have no objection to the legal inquiry being instituted. The Bishop is also reported to have told the Pope: "I hear Your Holiness is about to start for Bologna [to meet the Emperor]. It is a wonder to me that Your Holiness has decided upon a measure of such importance without first apprizing the kings of France and England of it, and hearing what they had to say;" which words the Pope answered by saying: "The action in itself is so meritorious and good that I do not think it necessary to consult or ask people's advice about it." Now had such words as the Bishop is reported to have said to His Holiness come from another quarter we might consider them of some importance, but knowing how light-headed he is, it is hardly necessary for us to take notice of them.
Account of the festivities, &c.
Morone arrived the day before yesterday. He goes back to the Prince to-morrow. We had orders from the latter to have him closely watched by spies, so that if he attempted to take another route he might be arrested. As this, however, could not be accomplished without noise and scandal of some sort, and as besides we (Mai and I) perceived that he was on the right path (bien encaminado) we have not complied with that order. We must add that Morone being, as he is, escorted by upwards of 30 horsemen of his own, it would have been no easy task for us to get hold of him. We have written to the Prince, telling him the road he (Morone) has taken, and he may, if he chooses, on the excuse of keeping him company, send some officer with a strong detachment of troops.
The Prince also wanted us to ask for 30,000 ducats, which he asserts is the amount of pay due to his army for this present month of September. We mentioned the fact to the Pope, who answered that he would willingly remit the sum if he had the money. Should we (the Imperial ambassadors) point out to him in what manner the funds could be procured he would forthwith issue the necessary orders. We have consequently written to the Prince to have patience for a while, and do his best. Letters have since been received from him announcing the taking of Cortona and that a sum of 20,000 crs. had been obtained from the inhabitants, by way of compensation, which will enable him to wait some little time.
The garrison of Cortona came out without arms, but with sticks in their hands, as agreed. The city and its castle have been taken possession of by the Papal troops. This very morning the Prince's letter, announcing the surrender, was by us delivered to the Pope, who showed great satisfaction, and added that the capitulation of Florence was, in his opinion, a settled thing (cosa hecha). The Pope, moreover, has not yet lost all hope of the Duke of Milan's reduction, though he thinks the Venetians are the only cause of his obstinate refusal. He strongly blamed the answer given by the Signory to the Imperial deputies.
The Bishop of Tarbes (Grammont) called this morning upon us, and said that he had always wished to see the Emperor and his master on good terms. Now that they were friends they might together govern the whole world, provided their ministers and ambassadors were prudent and wise. A number of similar flattering things did the Bishop tell us, to which we made a proper and courteous answer. We shall return his visit to-morrow.
Francisco de Tovar writes [from Siena] that he has there six pieces of ordnance and one culverin, two half culverins, and 12 more pieces of light artillery, besides powder and ammunition. Of this last article he has lately received from Naples no less than 218 barrels, besides 700 balls and 100 more for culverines. He has also prepared 400 scaling ladders and 1,000 "gastatori," with all the necessary instruments and tools for the siege of Florence. He is only waiting the Prince's orders.—Rome, Monday the 20th of September 1529.
Signed: "Loys de Praët.—Miguel Mai."
Spanish. Original almost entirely in cipher. pp. 4.

Footnotes

1 "Ac inter cætera alia summam centum M. librarum de meis bonis, cum quibusdam pro vino et aliis mercanciis per me transmissis, nequiter et de facto receperunt, et in eorum usum convertere non postposuerunt."
2 "Vina videlicet mihi et mercancias alias in meis expensis (sic) cum vestris mercatoribus mihi remittendo, nec non et armigeros cum navibus ad me, ut vestris inimicis, videlicet franciginis, cum [sine] hujusmodi vestro subsidio malefacere possim."
3 Spello or Hispello. See above, p, 191 .
4 This is followed in the volume by a brevet also in Latin, headed "capitania de Gastadores" pro conservandis hominibus qui Gastatores vocantur, though the name of the person to be appointed is left blank. Add. 28,579, f. 147.
5 See No. 142, p. 203, which is dated the 11th not the 12th.
6 Spelle; the governor's name was Lione Baglione, a brother of Malatesta. He capitulated on condition of the garrison being allowed to "uscir con le spade sole salve le persone e le robe che potessero portare addosso." But no sooner were he and his men out of the town than they were all "svaligiati," and the town itself sacked.
7 Her name was Giovanna.
8 Chapuys' last despatch, dated London, 4th September, was addressed to the Emperor, not to Margaret. See above, No. 135, p. 195.
9 Fernando Vitoria.
10 "Car il trouve cella d' estre cité à Rome estre de male digestion."
11 "Par instrument autentique dont, Madame, par la premiere vous demostray [rai] la copie."
12 "Je vouldrais bien, puis qu' il s'est monstré si homme de bien en ce affere, que le Roy luy ottroye aussy toust une evesché, que lui avoit esté icy promise comme il aura son congié."
13 Guillaume du Bellay, sieur de Langeay or Langey. See above, p. 190, note.
14 Jean du Bellay, bishop of Bayonne, brother of the preceding.
15 William Blount, Lord Mountjoy, chamberlain and steward of the Queen's household. As to the Grand Admiral, the charge was held at this time by Henry Fitzroy, Henry's natural son.
16 Sir Nicholas Carew, Grand Squire of England.
17 The same document alluded to in the preceding despatch.
18 "Y algo de lo que truxo sobre Pavia donde oy llegará."