Spain
October 1529, 1-10

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1879

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260-281

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'Spain: October 1529, 1-10', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 260-281. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87691 Date accessed: 29 July 2014.


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October 1529, 1-10

2 Oct.173. Margaret of Austria to the Emperor.
Lanz. Corresp. des
Kaisers
, I., 341.
Although God has been pleased to give Your Majesty peace with all your neighbours, there are still many causes for anxiety, both as regards politics in general, and the critical circumstances in which your brother of Hungary finds himself, owing to this invasion of the Turk. I may, therefore, perhaps, be excused if I presume to offer my advice on this occasion.
And first of all, I beg and entreat Your Majesty that, considering the country in which you now are, the malice and envious feeling of its inhabitants, the fear they all have of being subjected, and their damnable inventions to raise factions and make leagues, great care should be taken of your own person, and especially of your food.
The Pope having been the first to treat with Your Majesty, methinks that you will be obliged to fulfil all your engagements towards him, a matter not easily accomplished, and in which large sums of money must be consumed for the pay of the Spaniards, Neapolitans, and Germans now serving under the Imperial banners, besides what may be owing to those under Antonio de Leyva and at Naples; the amount of which is so excessive that it will be very difficult, if not impossible, for you to hasten to the assistance of your brother, the King of Hungary.
I do not pretend to say that the alliance with the Pope is not a good and desirable thing; but Your Majesty must bear in mind the character of His Holiness, his inconstant humour and fickle disposition, and that he must be greatly changed in temper and general condition if he does not try now, as he did last time, to expel you from Italy after he has got all he wants from you. I am, therefore, of opinion that whilst doing for his sake what is honest, reasonable, and convenient, you should not consume your strength or waste your time; but, on the contrary, obtain from him, whilst in Italy, any concession or grant that may be beneficial for the present purpose and for the management of other affairs. For not doing everything the Pope wishes Your Majesty has now a very good excuse in the Turkish war, and in the relief of threatened Christendom; for certainly His Holiness would hardly consent to this duty being neglected for the sake of some town claimed by the Church, or his revenge of the Florentines and other Italians. With regard to the Venetians, before declaring war against them three mighty considerations ought to be attended to. The first is that they have a number of towns well fortified, and provided with ammunition and stores, and therefore almost impregnable; the second is the winter season that will soon begin; and the third, that they expect assistance from the Turk, whose allies they evidently are. It seems to me that if the Venetians wished to treat Your Majesty ought not to allow the negociations to be conducted through the Pope, but appoint proper and trusty people to negociate with Venice itself. And in that case, should the Signory consent to restore what they still retain in the Milanese, not interfere in the disposal by Your Majesty of the duchy of Milan, and besides pay what they owe you and your brother, a treaty might be concluded with them without attending for the present to other claims of the house of Austria, but leaving them untouched until such a time as it may be convenient to bring them forward, as well as those on the duchy of Burgundy. If, moreover, some town belonging to the Pope, or formerly making part of the duchy of Milan, should prove an obstacle to an arrangement of this sort, I for my part would not hesitate to come to an agreement under the best terms possible; provided, however, Venice granted the other points.
Respecting Milan, my opinion is that, considering the expense hitherto incurred, Your Majesty ought by all means to endeavour to remain master of it by investing the King, your son (le prince votre fils), with it, and treating with Massimiliano Sforza; (fn. 1) at any rate (au pis aller) you could allow him to retain the towns he now holds in the Duchy and touch the revenue thereof with some further pension for his maintenance. Should any of the towns the said Sforza still holds be deemed necessary for the preservation and defence of the Duchy, you could take them away from him and give him as an equivalent other towns and revenues to pass to his legitimate heirs and descendants. This being done, great care should be taken that Milan be not again lost, for it is the key of Italy, and also the place from which the kingdom of Naples can best be attacked: should Your Majesty leave that Duchy in other hands it is to be feared that it will be lost, and you will have to begin the work over again.
Your Majesty ought likewise to profit by the situation of the Florentines and Ferrarese without driving them to extremities, and generally speaking your dealings with the Italian powers ought to be conducted in such a way that the siege of a city like Florence, undertaken exclusively for the sake of the Pope, should not be an obstacle to mightier aspirations; for, as I said before, neither His Holiness the Pope nor Your Imperial Majesty, who are the two principal defenders of the Christian Faith, have much honour and reputation to gain by such undertaking, whereas dishonour and shame principally lie in not resisting the Turkish invasion. And if you cannot at present entirely do your will in Italy, time will come, when all other affairs being satisfactorily settled, you will be able to dictate to those towards whom you must now dissemble.
The King, your brother, in the meanwhile must be fully provided with the means of defence, and money procured for him to carry on a good enterprise against the Turk. To accomplish this a good portion of the Church property throughout Christendom might, and ought to, be sold; also part of what belongs to the Knights of Rhodes, or to those of Prussia, since the Grand Master of the Order in the latter country is decidedly a heretic and a married man; besides which, in Germany, where there are so many knights, it is a known fact that princes and rulers, and principally those of the Lutheran sect, have already begun to seize their property and apply it to their own purposes. Our Holy Father might thus grant permission to sell Church property to the amount of a sum to be fixed beforehand, and then grant the Crusade to all the princes wishing to join in this holy undertaking. I see no other "way of procuring money for the emergency, exhausted as Europe must be and is by the last wars. To deliberate and decide on these matters it might be advisable to institute three congresses; one for Italy and Spain, under the presidency of Your Majesty; another for France, England, Scotland, and the Low Countries, which I am now governing in Your Majesty's name; and a third for Germany and the dominions of the Empire on this side of the Alps. The Italian, as I say, might be held under the presidency of Your Majesty, and at any town that might be considered fit; the other at Cambray, or some other convenient place in Flanders. This I would attend personally, or if prevented, send thither some great personage to represent me. That of Germany might be held by the King, your brother, wherever he most liked. Should Your Majesty approve of this plan, and send me full powers to that effect, I imagine that no long time will pass before the kings of France and England send their commissaries thither; for the former King has frequently made overtures to this effect, professes to be well disposed, and hopes to induce the King of England to contribute also with money. Such being the case, the Pope ought to send thither a legate of his own, and another one to Germany, properly authorised to sanction in his name whatever measures might be proposed for the better issue of the deliberations. Your Majesty, moreover, could write to the princes and towns of that country strong letters of persuasion calling them to the defence of Christendom. It would also be advisable to hit upon some expedient in the matter of the heresies and new sect, so as to calm the apprehensions of the Germans, who might think that they would be corrected and punished in consequence thereof, for otherwise it is to be feared that they would show greater repugnance to contribute towards the expenses of the Turkish war than hitherto, and if so it would become difficult, not to say impossible, to attend at the same time to the Turkish war, and prevent also the spread of heresy in Germany. And as the army, which might be thus prepared for the said expedition could not be got ready until next spring, it would be necessary in the meantime to aid your royal brother [of Hungary] with such a sum of money as to enable him successfully to check the progress of the enemy, or detain him before some large fortified town so as to give time for the succours to arrive.
Meanwhile, Your Majesty might attend to your own affairs in Italy, and everything being settled there, depart for Germany at the head of all your forces, leaving only in Italy those strictly required for the defence of Milan and Naples. This would naturally result in great honour and reputation to your army, which might be paid out of the money collected for the intended expedition, and then you could not only succour your brother, repulse the Turk, and perhaps also follow him up to his own dominions, but also increase our Faith, which will be by far a greater honour and merit than losing your precious time in the recovery of a few towns in Italy.
I have perfectly understood what Your Majesty has written to me respecting the matrimonial alliances and secret treaties once put forward by the King of France, and of which Your Majesty must have been informed through Secretary Des Barres. Your Majesty's reasons and arguments against such alliances are rather conclusive, yet I cannot help thinking that the friendship of France is now more advantageous and necessary to Your Majesty than that of any other country in Christendom—not so much for the tranquillity of all your kingdoms, dominions, and subjects, as to enable you to have your own way in Italy and Germany, and be dreaded by your neighbours; also to be better assisted in this expedition against the Turk, and whilst thus engaged leave your own dominions in perfect security. For these reasons, and many more I could add, such as that of putting an end to the growing heresies, and reforming the Church, it appears to me that Your Majesty ought to strengthen the said friendship with France, and make it still more close and binding by all possible means, through marriage alliances or otherwise. For though the sons of the French king may not yet be of age, such alliances, if now proposed and made, contracted for a future time, would, no doubt, bring forth mutual sentiments of regard and affection in the fathers, who, in the hope of the said marriages taking place, would look upon each other's honour and interests as their own. Besides, Your Majesty could find nowhere better alliances for your children, and if concluded, the duchy of Milan might remain in your possession without dispute. Your Majesty will say that the prospect of such marriage alliances most times brings no benefit at all to the parties. I grant it, but in accepting the King's offer Your Majesty does not take more engagements towards him than he towards you, for if the King's offer is only intended to gain time, you yourself gain it also; therefore, there can be no harm to you in any way, but on the contrary, much that is really advantageous. And if so, I should advise that such offers, or indeed any other proposals likely to insure the said friendship, should be listened to, the sooner the better, and if possible, before the delivery of the King's sons, and the intended expedition a gainst the Turk, perhaps during the march [to Hungary], thus giving the French king to understand that you desire it, and doing away with all scruples, render him more willing, by shewing confidence in his friendship; for as the French king wishes the affair to remain secret, should he come to learn that Your Majesty is not inclined to accept the proposed alliance, he will naturally conclude that you do not at all value his friendship, and that will change his confidence in Your Majesty into suspicion, which would be highly detrimental to your interests.
Of the fear which you might have of the Venetians having secret intelligences with him, I see no appearances at all For the King could not well do that without engaging to contribute a portion of the expenses of the war—which he is not likely to do, considering the large sums of money which he himself is bound to pay for the ransom of his sons, besides which he has engaged to pay 30,000 ducats every month for the recovery by force of arms of all the fortresses which the Venetians hold in the kingdom of Naples, and it is not to be supposed that he would at once contribute towards the expenses of the two belligerents. In addition to this, it is well known that at Cambray the French did their utmost to have the Venetians included in the treaty, which they would certainly not have done if their plans had been what Your Majesty suspects them to be.—Brussels, 2nd October 1529.
Signed; "Marguerite."
French. Copy. pp. 9.
3 Oct.174. Martin de Salinas to King Ferdinand.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 220.
Wrote on the 30th ulto, but for some cause or other the courier did not start. Has nothing particular to add to his despatch, except that the Duke [Francesco] obstinately refuses entertaining the Emperor's proposals for peace, in consequence of which Pavia is to be immediately invested.
The Bishop of Ciudad—Rodrigo (Don Gonzalo Maldonado), is now going to Spain by the Emperor's command to collect the fourth (la quarta) which His Holiness has granted on all Church property during four years, as well as the tenth (la decima) on the commanderships (encomiendas) of the Military Orders.
No news of the Turk has been received ever since the 15th ulto. Nobody knows here whether he has made any progress, and what state His Highness' affairs are in.
For fear Count Noguerol (Nogarolo) should meet with an accident on the road, a duplicate of his (Salinas') letter of the 30th is enclosed, as well as a copy of the Emperor's instructions to him, and a memorandum for Secretary Christoval de Castillejo on certain private business.—Piacenza, 3rd October 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. p. 1.
3 Oct.175. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c.71, f. 221.
Received last night His Holiness' letters dated Lintz the 18th and 23rd ulto. As a courier was then on the point of leaving for Germany, the Emperor gave orders that he should stay until an answer was prepared. Next day Don Pedro de Cordoba, and he (Salinas) waited on His Imperial Majesty and read to him the King's letters, which were immediately forwarded to the Privy Council for deliberation. The councillors met and discussed their contents, after which, with the Emperor's permission, the courier was dispatched in all haste to His Holiness the Pope, informing him of the critical state in which Germany is owing to the threatened Turkish invasion. The Emperor, however, would very much like to know what resources in men and provisions have been collected at Vienna to defend that capital against the advancing enemy, for on this point neither His Highness' letters, nor those received from private individuals, give sufficient information.
With regard to the advice asked, and to the question whether this be the proper time or not to apply to England and France for the promised assistance, the Emperor and his Privy Council are of opinion that it ought certainly to be asked for, but not until His Highness' letters containing the said application have been examined and discussed here [at Piacenza], lest the words of the demand should not be in harmony with the Emperor's previous declarations, or what he himself intends saying at the meeting (junta) of Bologna.
The Emperor has been informed of the departure of Mr. de Bredan (fn. 2) , who, after his arrival in Italy, may easily start for France and deliver his message, but this, it is thought, cannot take place till after the meeting at Bologna, for fear King Francis after hearing the application should say that he is entirely at the orders of the "junta," and cannot take a resolution by himself. In the meantime the Chancellor's opinion is that His Highness might send a messenger to Flanders with sufficient powers to settle what portion of' the "quarta" and "decima" there collected is to be destined to the prosecution of the Turkish war.—Piacenza, 4th October 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.
4 Oct.176. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71,f. 220 vo.
Duplicate of his despatch of the 3rd with the addition of the following paragraph:
Respecting the "quarta" and "decima" of Flanders, the High Chancellor (Mons. de Granvelle) recommends that a special messenger should be immediately dispatched to that country with a gracious letter to Mons. de Abstrato (Hoochsträten) urging the speedy termination of that affair, which His Imperial Majesty takes much to heart, as the success of the future campaign against the Turk depends principally upon the money to be raised in Flanders.—Piacenza, 4th October 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. p. 1.
2 Oct.177. Queen Catharine to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 806, f. 28.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 176.
In favour and commendation of a doctor in law and subject of the Emperor, born at Barcelona, who has served for upwards of 30 years as clerk in the Rotta. He came to England with Cardinal Campeggio. At the sack of Rome by Bourbon's army he lost everything he had in the world, and has since lived in great poverty though he was very well off before that event. He is a, very meritorious person. Begs for him some benefice in the kingdom of Naples or elsewhere.—Wynsor (Windsor), 2nd October [1529].
Signed: "Catherina."
Spanish. Holograph. p. ½.
3 Oct.178. Pope Clement to the Emperor.
S. P. R. Bulas
Sueltas,
L. 1, f. 136.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 177.
Sends the Bishop of Como (Triulzo), his referendary, on a mission to the King of France and to ask his help against the Turk Has ordered the Bishop to meet him (the Emperor) on his way to Bologna and convey his greetings.—Rome, 3rd October 1529.
Latin, p. 1.
4 Oct179. Praët and Mai to the EmperoR.
S.E.L: 848, f.102.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 178.
In credence of the Bishop of Como (Triulzo) going to France as Papal Nuncio.—Rome, 4th October 1529.
Spanish. p. 1.
5 Oct.180. The Same to the Same.
S.E.L. 848, ff. 94-5.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 179.
Have received no letters since the 21st ulto.
The Pope's departure is fixed for the 7th inst. He will take the road through Romagna, and travel with all possible speed. He (Mai) is to follow, him; his colleague (Praët) will go before, riding post, that His Imperial Majesty may be apprized in time of His Holiness' arrival.
Cardinal Monte remains as legate at Rome during the Pope's absence. As for some time past he (Monte) has made professions of being an Imperialist, there is no reason to think that the Spanish courtiers here [at Rome] will be otherwise than well treated.
The Duke Francesco's secretary came back five days ago. The Pope having reproached him with having said that an agreement had already been concluded here, at Rome, he pretended that he had never made such a statement, but only that "there was some hope of one." He maintains that his master (the Duke) intends holding Pavia as long as he can, and after the city is taken defending the castle, thus gaining time to see how matters will turn up. The Pope undeceived him as to this, saying that the Imperial ambassadors had no power to treat with him, and would no longer negociate with his master.
On the last day of September, Monbardon (fn. 3) arrived with letters from the Prince and from the Capuan (Schomberg), stating the many difficulties attending the attack on Florence. Though disposed to do anything His Holiness wished in this respect, it was the opinion of the Prince's counsellors that the undertaking was more difficult than appeared at first. There was no money or provision in the camp; the Sienese had not sent the promised artillery and ammunition, &c., and therefore the attack, if made, could not be successful. Went to the Pope, accompanied by Monbardon himself, who repeated to him the substance of the Prince's letter, but all our efforts united were in vain; the Pope said nothing except "I place myself entirely in the hands of the Prince and of the Capuan," which words he repeated two or three times.
Three days after another courier came from the Prince, announcing that certain Florentine deputies had gone to him proposing to place the whole affair in the hands of His Imperial Majesty for him to decide as umpire how and on. what terms the restoration of the Medici family in that Republic was to take effect, &c. There is, however, some difference as to the proposition itself; the Capuan saying that it was the Prince who first suggested the idea, whereas the Prince himself writes to say that it came from the Florentines. However this may be the Pope is afraid that Florence mistrusts and dislikes him altogether, Wherein he is right, and the case being so, His Imperial Majesty will have more to do as judge than as a party with arms in hand. (fn. 4) Yet, after all, the proposal of the Florentines, in the opinion of the ambassadors, ought to be taken into consideration, not only on account of the scarcity of money and provisions, which is likely to increase, but because the winter season being close at hand, the Florentines may be induced to defend their territory with greater obstinacy and, last not least, because desertion, as we are given to understand, has already commenced in the ranks of the Imperial army; camp marauders are spreading about, &c.
From Venice no courier has arrived in Rome for upwards of one month. One came at last about three days ago, bringing news that the Turk had actually retreated into his own territory. True, this intelligence comes by private letters, but it is very probable for the citadel (roca) of Buda defended itself most gallantly, which, coupled with the news of peace between the Christian princes and the fear the Turks have of their camp being inundated by the Danube, are likely to have obliged them to raise their tents.
Cardinal Grimano, who is a Venetian by birth, and resides here, called the other day upon the Pope and said to him, as if it came from himself, that he believed the Signory would agree to the peace if they were sure of obtaining two conditions. One was that the peace should be a lasting one: the other that the Duke Francesco should retain possession of his estate. The Pope having replied that they must at any cost secure peace, representing to them the danger in which they were of the Emperor's arms, it appears that Cornaro hinted that they had still some hope of being assisted by France; when or how he did not say. The Pope, however, having observed to him that in case of peace being made the Signory would be expected to contribute towards the expenses of the war against the Turk, Cornaro said: "That we shall never dare do owing to our vicinity to the Turk; but we may secretly contribute some money in consideration for the fruits and rents of Ravenna and Cervia, which we are bound to restore to the Church."
By this last post it is rumoured that the Florentines have sent to ask the assistance of Venice, and that it has been refused to them, on the plea that they were believed to have already come to terms with the Pope. All the efforts, it is added, of the Florentine ambassador at Venice to persuade them that the report was untrue were in vain. They had, it appears, particularly applied for the 3,000 infantry the Duke of Urbino [Francesco Maria della Rovere] has in his estate. The Duke's answer has been that he has that force for his own defence, and does not choose to part with it or give it to anyone; and that although he is actually still in the Signory's service he does not intend carrying war into the territory of the Church or of the Emperor. This, notwithstanding, a report is afloat that the Duke was lately preparing himself by the command of the Signory to go and meet the Germans lately arrived [in Italy], but that when he was about to start he fell dangerously ill and was thus prevented.
Have likewise heard that the answer made by the Signory to the French messenger who went last to them was to the effect that His Highness the King had certainly not behaved well towards them. Being his allies, they had reason to expect not to be excluded from the peace; yet as they were still his friends and servants they would take no more notice of his ill-behaviour. Respecting the restitution of lands to the Church, His Highness the king of France could not object to their retaining them a little longer, because being as they were one of the conditions stipulated for the recovery of his sons—which cannot be accomplished before many months have passed—neither the King nor anyone else can find fault with their keeping them as long as they could. It is reported that when the Pope heard this argument of the Venetians he said to the by-standers: "I really believe that Frenchmen and Venetians have good reason to complain of each other on this occasion; yet it is evident to me that the Signory is willing to make up the quarrel, for she has at present no other support (arrimadero) to lean against but France.
Nothing is known yet of Juan Joachim (Jean Jocken), who is said to have gone from Venice to France on some such errand and message as the preceding. He is known to be a restless man, always ready for intrigue, and therefore ought to be watched.
A report is current here that Geronimo Rosario, the secretary of the Nuncio, now residing at the Imperial Court, has arrived with letters from his master persuading the Signory to accept peace on the proposed terms; and that the Signory has made him a very courteous answer, thanking him for his advice and good wishes, &c. The Nuncio is a native of Vincenya, and consequently a vassal of the Signory.
The Pope said five days ago that he had letters from France advising that His Imperial Majesty had asked in advance for some of the money to be paid for the recovery of the King's sons. That the affair had been treated in Council, where most were of opinion that the demand ought to be granted. He (the Pope) had been asked to give his advice, &c.
The Marquis of Mantua (Federigo Gonzaga), according to the last news, is unwell; but as this happens whenever he expects money from any quarter, and it is not forthcoming, perhaps his present indisposition is only caused by the want of funds.
A servant of Juan Sesatello (fn. 5) has come from the camp before Florence and told Andrea del Burgo that Ferrante Gonzaga is much displeased at the Emperor having appointed another captain to the command of the light horse. No wonder, if the news be correct, for these Italians are exceedingly touchy (coxquillosos) on such points.
The Bishop of Como, (fn. 6) whom His Holiness is about to send to France, has hitherto been by lineage as well as affection a thorough Frenchman. For some time past he professes to be a good Imperialist. The brother of Gregorio Casal (fn. 7) has been appointed to England. Begs to recommend them both, as they may be of use hereafter.
We have procured that the Pope should write warmly respecting the English matrimonial suit. He has promised not only to do so, but send to the King for his information a copy of the opinion which Cardinal Ancona (fn. 8) has promised to prepare, and which we (the ambassadors) have begged him to draw in as laconic and conclusive terms as the case requires. This the Cardinal has promised to do, not only from his love of justice, but because he wishes to be agreeable to Your Imperial Majesty.
The Marquis of Mantua (fn. 9) advises having duly, received the copies (despachos) of the summons and inhibition of England, and forwarded them to their respective addresses. It was most unfortunate that out of six copies sent by different routes only this one and another, which was taken by a gentleman of the Queen's household, the same who brought the powers and process (procero), have arrived at their destination.
We hear from a good source that the Pope intends creating some new cardinals, both at the Emperor's request and at that of the King of France.
The Pope has written to his Nuncio at the Imperial Court not to make complaints or pick up quarrels (revolverse) with Sanga, whom he considers a good and zealous clean-handed official.
The Bishop of Gurz [Hieronimo Balbo] is clever and a very good lawyer. He wishes to serve the Emperor.—Rome, 5th October 1529. (fn. 10)
Signed: "Loys de Praët.—Mai."
3 Oct.181. Martin de Salinas to Secretary Castillejo.
M. Re.Ac.d. Hist.,
c.71, f.221.
Received last night His Highness' letters dated the 18th and 23rd ulto. As a courier was then on the point of leaving [for Germany], the Emperor gave orders that he should stay until an answer was prepared. Next day Don Pedro de Cordoba and he (Salinas) waited upon the Emperor and read to him the letters of His Highness, which were ipso facto sent to his Privy Council for deliberation. The councillors met and discussed their contents, after which a courier was despatched in all haste to inform His Holiness of the critical state of affairs [in Germany]. The Emperor, however, would like to know what resources in men and provisions have been collected at Vienna to defend that capital against the advancing Turks, for on this point neither His Highness' letters, nor your own, nor those received from private persons, give sufficient information.
With regard to the advice applied for and to the question whether this be the fit time or not to apply to England or France for the promised help, His Imperial Majesty and his Privy Council think that it ought certainly to be asked soon, but in their opinion the letters and despatches containing the application for such help should come here first to be examined and discussed in Council, for fear their wording should not be in consonance with the Emperor's declarations on the subject, or with what he himself will have to say at the next meeting (junta) of Bologna.
The Emperor has also been informed of the departure of Mons. de Bredan, (fn. 11) who, after his arrival in Italy, is to take a message [to France], but he is very much afraid that King Francis will answer that he is entirely subject to the deliberations of the congress (junta), and that he cannot possibly take a resolution by himself. If so, nothing profitable can be achieved either way. At any rate, Mons. de Granvelle is of opinion that His Highness ought to send a messenger to Flanders with powers to settle what portion of the "quarta" and "decima" there collected is to be destined to the prosecution of the Turkish war (fn. 12) .—Piacenza, 4th of October 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.
8 Oct.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 226, No. 23.
182. (fn. 11) Eustace Chapuys, Imperial Ambassador in England, to the Emperor.
(Cipher:) As a proof of this King's obstinacy in the matter of the divorce, as I had the honour to inform Your Imperial Majesty [in my despatch of the 27th ulto], I will add that he has lately sent for the Auditor of the Apostolic Chamber [Ghinucci] merely to confer with him on the marriage affair The Auditor told the King, as I have since learned from very good sources, that he consents to lose his head if the dispensation brief is not found to be a forgery for many reasons. The first and principal on account of its date, as I have already had occasion to inform Your Imperial Majesty; the second, that the wax-seal is not where it ought to be; (fn. 13) and the third, that the secretary's signature is not in his hand-writing as appears from other documents of the kind. The Auditor, I am told, further adds that he saw once an inventory of papers and deeds of the time of Ferdinand the Catholic, concerning him and Henry VII., the father of this King, in which no mention whatever occurred of the said brief, whence it might be easily inferred that no such a document was ever issued from the Roman Chancery. They say that after telling the King all these fine things, he (Ghinucci) begged and entreated that the information should be kept secret for fear of Your Majesty parrying the blow.
The Auditor has had a very good reception here, and is since gone back to Rome with a mission to the Pope, as this King's ambassador. He will no doubt exert himself there to prove the invalidity of the brief founded on the three above-mentioned conclusions. (fn. 14) Thus, independently of his affection for the Lady [Anne Boleyn], the King is encouraged in his obstinacy by the persuasions of many who. like Ghinucci and others, support him in his belief, as likewise by certain hopes thrown out in a Papal brief lately received here, wherein His Holiness remits the penalty of 10,000 ducats contained in the inhibition, and promises that notwithstanding the advocation of the whole case to Rome, he (the Pope) will keep his word and do whatever has been agreed between them.
(Common writing:) These promises of the Pope have been gladly accepted here, and in order the more to stimulate him to their observance, an answer has been prepared, in which the King declares that "inasmuch as His Holiness has failed in many of his promises up to the present time, it is reasonable to expect that he will now attend more to them; otherwise no trust or reliance can henceforward be placed in him, and the utmost caution must be used in negociating."
(Cipher:) The Auditor (Ghinucci) took his departure for Rome this very day, and I have just been told by the merchant, at whose house he was lodged, that he goes well provided with money, both in cash and in letters of credit, for the King, it is said, has given him as much as 3,000 ducats, to be spent exclusively in the divorce case (fn. 15) . I have written to Miçer Mai about it that he may be on his guard.
[Common writing:] On the return of Cardinal Campeggio [from Grafton] I called upon him, according to the Queen's desire, to thank him (fn. 16) in her name and in that of Your Majesty, and to inquire at the same time whether he had, or had not, according to promise made any notification (rencharge) to the King on this matter of the divorce. Also to learn his own opinion of a case so often discussed and debated in his very presence. He assured me that he had had no opportunity whatever of speaking about it, which circumstance he considered rather favourable for the Queen's case than otherwise, for had he attempted to make inquiries, or tried to ascertain the King's sentiments thereupon, he might have done harm instead of good, for the King, he observed, suspected him, and was very angry at his refusing to proceed with the case, so much so that he made no secret of his disappointment and ill-will towards him; neither would he allow of his speaking to the Queen or taking leave of her before his departure from England.
(Cipher;) I am inclined to believe that Campeggio does not wish the matter to remain as it is, and, therefore, that the King's suspicions apply more to the future than to any previous doings of that Cardinal in England, and that the fear of his talking more freely about the divorce on his departure—especially as the bishopric promised to him in this kingdom is not forthcoming—has been the real and principal cause of the King's anger and suspicion, and of his not allowing him to take leave of the Queen. (fn. 17)
(Common writing:) Campeggio, however, stated to me that wherever the case might be tried or discussed [in England or at Rome] he had not the least doubt that it would be decided in favour of the Queen and the marriage declared indissoluble.
(Cipher:) He thought, moreover, that the King after this would take no further judicial steps in the affair, and if so, that the Queen should be advised not to stir or pursue her defence. But having informed him of some of the particulars above alluded to, and others contained in my former despatches, he (the Cardinal) changed his opinion and agreed with me that the Queen had better, all things considered, prosecute her defence as best she could.
(Common writing:) Campeggio left yesterday morning for Home taking with him silver plate valued at 3,000 ducats, besides a present of 4,000 more which he received on his arrival. It was very fortunate that he did so, for on the very day of his departure one of his most favourite chamberlains was struck by the plague, and 24 hours after he was dead.
(Cipher:) The Queen's Council, fearing to bring on themselves the King's displeasure, or perhaps wishing to fish in troubled waters (fn. 18) for their own individual advantage had once almost persuaded her to desist (surseoir), giving her to understand that in time everything would be set to rights, and that upon the arrival of Your Majesty at Rome a declaration might easily be obtained from His Holiness respecting the validity of the dispensation brief, without further proceedings. But it appears that the Queen hearing that her enemies are at work, and knowing also that delay in these matters is often fraught with danger; doubting, moreover, whether His Holiness will be persuaded to make such a declaration without a previous trial, has rejected the opinion of the majority of her Council. Others tell her that if Your Majesty could only persuade His Holiness to write [to the King] about it, the whole thing might be satisfactorily settled. In this last opinion, if adopted, I see two dangers: one is, that the Pope, considering his engagements and promises to this King—to which I have alluded in the former part of this despatch—may not dare to address him on the subject; the other is, that if this King comes to hear of Your Majesty's exertions at Rome in favour of Your Majesty's aunt, the opposite party may allege that unfair means have been used to obtain the Pope's grace (gratieusetez).
(Cipher:) The Queen has likewise been intimidated by the announcement of this new Parliament, which is to meet soon. She has been told that should the Commons hear that the King has actually been summoned to appear personally or by proxy at Rome some motion detrimental to her interests might easily be made and carried out. This, however, in my opinion, is not to be apprehended, for the love and affection which the English people bear Your Imperial Majesty and the Queen is indeed very great. This last fear has so perplexed her of late that she actually hesitates as to the best course to follow under present circumstances. The only resolution she has come to is to inform Your Majesty through me of her perplexity and fears, and to beg that the matter be taken entirely out of her hands and placed in those of Your Majesty, for Your Majesty to act and proceed as best suite the Imperial interests and her own. And in case of Your Majesty deciding for the prosecution of the suit at Rome, that a prudent letter be addressed to the King, her husband, stating the reasons for such proceedings, exculpating' her there from and giving him (the King) to understand that the prosecution of the affair is as much in his favour as in the Queen's, all this being expressed in words similar to those contained in my instructions.
One of the reasons which this King alleges as an excuse for proceeding, as he has done, against the Queen, and trying to have his marriage declared invalid, is that he himself has never been a party to it; and yet, strange to say, he now reproaches her with shewing herself a party ! (fn. 19) (Cipher:) Hence it follows that if the Pope only consented to enforce justice there would be no occasion for excuse or reproach, for having appointed the Legatine commission "ex officio and motu proprio," it stands to reason that he could now proceed "ex officio" without the request or appeal of the parties concerned, since the cause is still the same once committed to the two Legates, and which is now being advoked to Rome with its appurtenances and incidents; besides which, there is no more reason now for fearing scandal and publicity than there was at first. (fn. 20) So that, rightly speaking, were the parties by common consent to institute an action at law, as the affair is spiritual and touches the soul, it would prove a very profitable move for Your Majesty and likewise for the Queen, as it would discharge their consciences and everything afterwards would go on well. (fn. 21) I have written to Miçer Mai in this sense, that he may insist upon the advocation. (Common writing:) As I have already informed Your Majesty, they make much here of this brief of dispensation, fancying that if they only succeed in having it condemned as a forgery—which they never will do—they will ultimately gain their point. Hitherto they have adduced no sound proofs against its authenticity, and I am really astonished how they can be so quiet about it when the Queen herself has declared by a public act—a copy of which is here enclosed—that she could not publicly avow or make use of the brief in her defence, inasmuch as it is explicitly said therein that Prince Arthur, her former husband, had consummated matrimony; which fact she declares to be untrue, as her present husband has often confessed before witnesses. (fn. 22) Indeed, the Queen says that a short time ago, whilst conversing with the King, her husband, after dinner, he said to her: "You wish to help yourself and defend the validity of the dispensation by saying that your former husband, Prince Arthur, my brother, never consummated marriage. Well and good, but no less was our marriage illegal, for the bull does not dispense super impedimento publicœ honestatis, and, therefore, I intend disputing and maintaining against all people that a dispensation thus conceived! is insufficient." I confess that an argument of this sort may appear strong enough to a person like the Queen, but to people of another class it would be found to rest on very brittle footing (la glace d'une nuyt). The Queen, however, answered that whatever arguments were used to convince her that she was not his lawful and legitimate wife would be of no avail; she considered herself such. That was not the time or place to dispute about such matters, and that they had better go to Rome, and have the question determined by the Pope.
On Tuesday evening Cardinal Wolsey sent me one of his secretaries with a message from the King's Privy Council appointing 8 o'clock in the morning as the hour at which the Council would assemble and communicate with me certain affairs relating to Your Imperial Majesty. I promised to be present at the appointment and listen to what the King's Council had to say. Whilst I was talking to the Secretary, the French ambassador approached the door of my house, with an intention no doubt to call; but finding that Cardinal Wolsey's secretary and other English gentlemen were with me, he went off, and sent one of his own men to say he wished to speak to me, for he had been for the last two days debating and hammering (il avoit desbatu et martelle) with the King's Privy Councillors about King Francis' jewels, which, he said, he wished to recover as soon as possible, that his master might in return fulfil his engagements to Your Majesty. The King and his Council (he said) were ready enough to give up the pledge in their hands, but they did not know whether Your Imperial Majesty would approve of it or not. It had, therefore, been resolved in Council to send for me and ask me the question; accordingly he (the ambassador) wished to inform me thereof, and to request that I would make every effort for the said jewels and rings to be restored as soon as possible. My answer to the ambassador's man was that I had no instructions whatever respecting his master's rings, and if interrogated by the Council should be at a loss how to shape my reply, inasmuch as when I took leave of Your Majesty [at Barcelona] there had been no talk of peace, and that I imagined the treaty of Cambray would contain some clause and stipulation as to the manner in which such pledges were to be restored.
Wednesday morning, as I was preparing to go to the Privy Council, a second message came from the French ambassador, requesting that, since I could do nothing to help him in the matter, I would at least put off the interview till after dinner. Replied that, had I been sure that the King's Council had no other object in view than the affair of the rings, I would, to please him, have postponed the interview; but that having already accepted the appointment, and not being quite certain that their communication only referred to that matter, I must attend the summons.
At the appointed hour, therefore, I was in the Council room, where most of the English lords were already assembled. On my arrival there Cardinal Wolsey, and the two Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk left the Council room, and after much welcoming and greeting—for the two last named personages had not yet seen me—they took me to a corner of the anti-room, and there all four of us standing, the Cardinal began to say: "You must know that by the treaty of Cambray the King of France has engaged to pay into the hands of His Imperial Majesty certain debts of his own to the King of England, our master, in consequence of which a settlement of our accounts with him has been made, the bonds and obligations returned, &c. But inasmuch as the King, our master, has still as pledges for the said debt certain jewels originally belonging to the old house of Burgundy—to which the Emperor Charles has since succeeded—besides other old relics, which may have a certain value, the King, our master, wishes to know whether it is the Emperor's pleasure that the said jewels be at once restored to the King of France without passing through so many hands. For this reason we have sent for you to learn what your instructions are on this point, as neither the King, our master, nor ourselves would do anything that was disagreeable to His Imperial Majesty."
My answer was that I had no instructions whatever respecting the jewels. At my departure from Barcelona the Emperor had no certain information about the conference at Cambray, which had just then begun. Perhaps the Imperial messenger who was to bring to England the ratification of the treaty, would also bring instructions as to the manner of disposing of the jewels and relics. As to the treaty itself I had not seen it yet, nor did I know its contents. The King, their master, who had been the principal promoter of the peace (desbatu et martellé) ought to know what the terms and stipulations of it were. I ended by thanking them for their good-will towards Your Majesty and the affectionate care they took of your affairs, and assured them that I should not fail to acquaint my Court thereof. As to their suggestion, that Your Majesty might perhaps be better pleased to leave the said pledges in the hands of their King than in those of many others, I did not hesitate to say that so it was, inasmuch as Your Majesty had often given them ample proofs of the utmost confidence in their good faith, by trusting his own person and patrimonial dominions in their hands, upon which the Duke of Norfolk replied: "You have spoken the truth. In a like manner the King, my master, trusts more in His Imperial Majesty than in any other Christian prince, and that is the reason why, in the present case, for the sake of the old mutual friendship and the King's goodwill towards the Emperor, you, Chappuis, (sic) have been consulted by us on this occasion before doing in this matter anything that might perchance be disagreeable to your master."
It was, therefore, resolved at the Council not to deliver the said jewels into the French ambassador's hands until Your Majesty's pleasure should be known. And the Cardinal added that a special messenger should be sent post haste [to Italy] to that effect. After which we took leave of each other, the Cardinal and the two Dukes returning to the Council Chamber, and I myself retiring to my lodgings in the town.
By the Queen's advice, and that of many good servants and friends of Your Imperial Majesty also, I have purposedly avoided calling upon the above-mentioned personages, not to give as it were cause for jealousy and suspicion, and to see in the meantime what turn the affairs of Cardinal Wolsey will take, for, in my opinion, not many days will elapse before we have a new Government in this country, and then we shall have to sail with them before the wind.
On my way home I called on the French ambassador for the purpose of returning his two visits and informing him of what had been resolved at the Council. I told him what my answer had been, and that there could not be much delay in the delivery of the jewel, as an express would be dispatched immediately to consult Your Majesty thereupon. I told him more; I said that my impression was that even if my instructions had been most categorical on the subject, they (the Lords of the Council) would have refused to give up the rings without a special mandate from the King, his master, determining the manner in which the jewel was to be surrendered and received, as well as the sort of document and voucher which he (the ambassador) was to give to the English. He confessed that I was right, but that he was exceedingly disappointed and sorry (marry). observing that the King himself and the principal members of his Privy Council, including the Cardinal, had expressed an opinion that the pledges should he at once restored, whereas some of the new Government (nouveau regime), wishing to appear as wise and exact as their predecessors in office, had raised the difficulty. He said more; he assured me he had protested before the Council that inasmuch as he considered he had done his duty respecting the jewel, he cared not a straw whether it was restored or not, as his master would easily find means, with the ring or without it, of maintaining Your Majesty's friendship, and giving the equivalent. He then told me in full detail the news from Hungary, which he said he had direct from the French ambassadors residing with the princes of the two leagues, (fn. 23) who, according to his information, had sent a messenger to the Imperial Diet. (Cipher:) But he told me this piece of news as if he were not at all concerned about it, yet observing that the gravity of the case was such that it well needed the co-operation and help of all the Christian princes without losing time in the wording of treaties, thereby implying no doubt what I recollect his saying to me on another occasion, namely, that Madame, the Archduchess (Margaret), had made many promises which had not, and could not be fulfilled, and confidently asserted besides that peace once concluded everything else would be settled to the satisfaction of the parties.
I have just heard from a very good source that this King is so blindly and passionately fond of his Anne, that he has, at her persuasion, consented to treat of a marriage between the Princess Mary, his daughter, and the son of the Duke of Norfolk, who is a near relative of the lady.
(Common writing:) Madame, the Archduchess, writes to me in date of the 25th September, that the ratification of the treaty of Cambray by Your Imperial Majesty has been duly received at Brussels. Also that Mr. de Rosymboz and I have been commissioned to present the same to this King, and ask him whether he wishes to sign at once or wait until his ambassadors have reached the Imperial Court, in order that on the same day and at the same hour the treaty may be duly signed and ratified here and there. Having immediately written to this King on the subject I have this very day had an answer from him, assuring me of his readiness to ratify and swear to the treaty, and that as to the time and mode of signing he entirely subscribes to any arrangement between Madame and his own ambassadors, recently appointed, i.e., the Grand Squire to the Royal Household, Nicolas Caro (Carew), and Dr. Sampson, the Dean of the Chapel, who left yesterday. The Queen sends word to say that she has always found the Grand Squire very affectionately inclined to Your Majesty's service and her own, and begs me to write in his favour and commendation.
No other news of importance.—London, 8th October 1529.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuÿs." (fn. 24)
French. Holograph occasionally in cipher. pp. 8.
9 Oct.183. The Emperor to the Archbishop of Bari.
S.E.Princ.d.Ital.,
f. 84.
B.M. Add. 28,577,
f. 195.
The Emperor's commission to the Archbishop of Bari, bishop of Jaen (Esteban Gabriel Merino), to fill the post of extraordinary ambassador at the Papal Court, conjointly with Louis de Praët and Miçer Miguel Mai.—Piacenza, 9th October 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. p. 1.
9 Oct.184. The Emperor's Instructions to the Same.
L. 848, f. 7.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 196.
You are to go to the Holy Father, wherever he may be. Show him the letters of our brother, King Ferdinand, and entreat him to make as much haste as possible that We may be set free and in a position to march against the Infidel, as is our duty. To tell him that We have already sent gentlemen of our household to the kings of France, England, and Portugal, desiring them to take up this cause as one in which Christendom at large is concerned, and likewise to Germany, Flanders, and Spain, asking the co-operation of our subjects in the undertaking.
You will tell him that this news of the Turkish invasion has considerably affected us, because We foresee in it great danger to all the Christian princes should our common efforts be insufficient to drive him out of Europe.
Since this undertaking chiefly concerns His Holiness, as head of the Church, and us also, as Emperor, We beg him to consider what means had better be employed to secure success, and cast his eye on the memorandum sent to our ambassadors, or the copy here enclosed.
Respecting Florence, you will say that our intention has always been and is still to do his pleasure. What We wrote to our ambassadors about the terms proposed by that Republic was only intended for His Holiness' inspection, and that he himself might consider whether the terms offered by that Republic were acceptable or not under present circumstances, as We wish to be disengaged the sooner to march against the common enemy. The Papal Nuncio tells us that the Prince of Orange does not proceed as quickly and steadily as His Holiness might wish; you may say that our orders to the Prince being to follow implicitly his commands, We cannot persuade ourselves that he has failed in his duty. We, however, send Mussiur de Baubry (fn. 25) to him to urge him to action. Nevertheless, should His Holiness consider that under present circumstances, and the better to promote the expedition against the Infidel, it would be advisable to give in a little, you will request him in our name to ponder this matter well, and you may add, as coming from yourself, that in our present undertaking against the Turk We fully intend availing ourselves of the forces now before Florence.
The same observations apply to Ferrara and if in compensation for what His Holiness may lose in Florence, or in the Ferrarese, he wishes for a portion of the duchy of Milan, you may say in our name that he shall have it.
You will inform him that Pavia has been taken by our troops, and that our intention is to give it in keeping to whomsoever he (the Pope) may designate, until the whole of that estate is disposed of. This will prove to His Holiness that We want no part of it for ourselves, and that We are quite ready in the best manner possible to ensure the peace of Italy.
With regard to Venice, you will inform His Holiness that the negociations are at a standstill. If they are resumed you may assure His Holiness that his interests will be attended to.
Our intention is to go by way of Mantua, so as to be closer to the lands of the Church. There our armies will meet, and a portion of them, whilst We journey to Bologna, invade the Venetian territory.
In case His Holiness should be prevented by illness or otherwise from going to Bologna as soon as We expect, you will treat all the above matters in the form and manner contained in these instructions, and in virtue of the full powers which you have received to that effect.—Piacenza, 8th October 1529.
P.S.—After writing the above Monbardon has arrived with letters from the Prince with the enclosed report of what has passed at Florence, and the causes he has had, and has still, for not doing what His Holiness wants. You will shew it to His Holiness, and request him to consider whether a middle course cannot be taken in this affair, so as to put an end to it at once, &c.—Piacenza, 9th October 1529.
Signed: "Yo el Rey.''
Countersigned: "Couos, High Commander."
10 Oct.185. Martin de Salinas to the King of Hungary.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 221 vo.
On the 4th inst. a courier was dispatched with the answer to His Highness' letters of the 18th and 23rd ulto., and the duplicate of Noguerol's instructions. On Wednesday, the 6th, at 10 o'clock of the night, Lançaroto (Lancelot?) arrived, and was immediately conducted to the Imperial presence by the town watch (las guardas de la villa). to whom he gave the message of which he was the bearer. On the ensuing Thursday, at day-break, Blues (sic) arrived with more urgent despatches, begging for an immediate answer. In consequence of which, he (Salinas) and Don Pedro de Cordoba went to the Imperial residence and explained their contents. The Emperor's answer was that his resolution was taken, and that he had given orders for the execution of the plan referred to in Noguerol's instructions.
His Highness may be sure that had not Blues, the messenger, arrived with such pressing demands for help and assistance, besides a full explanation of what is there (in Germany) considered as the best way of getting out of present difficulties, His Imperial Majesty would all the same, and on the first message sent by Lançaroto, have decided to make war on the Venetians, for such has been his fixed purpose for some time past.
Blues brought also instructions for Mr. de Bredan, which, it is to be feared, will not be deciphered for some time. (fn. 26) Cannot say, of course, what their contents are; all he can say is, that Mr. de Bredan has not yet made his appearance, and that there are no tidings of him.—Piacenza, Sunday the 10th or October, two hours after noon, 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. p. 1.

Footnotes

1 Thus in the original, but it is evidently a mistake for Francesco Maria, then at Cremona, and negotiating both with the Emperor and the Pope.
2 "Y por carta de V. Al. se escribe á Su Magt, ser partido Mos. de Bredan para acá, el qual es el mensagero. Esto ha parecido á Su Magt, porque no tome el Rey de Francia por achaque que el está remitido á dicha junta." By Mr. de Breda, in the original written Bredan, Henri Comte de Nassau is probably meant as he was also lord of Breda.
3 Montbardon, the chaplain and almoner to the Constable of Bourbon, and who, after the death of that general before Rome, was taken into the service of Philibert de Chalon.
4 "Y tiene razon porque mas terná V. M. que hacer deste manera, como juez, que no como parte y con las armas en la mano."
5 Sessatello, Saxatello, or Saxadello (Zuanne). See vol iv., part 2, p. 544.
6 See above, p. 266, No. 178.
7 Paolo.
8 The Cardinal of Ancona here mentioned can be no other than Benedetto degli Accolti, archbishop of Ravenna, who in 1526 was selected by Pope Clement to answer Perez's allegation in favour of the Colonnese Part 2, p. 1007. He has often been mistaken for another Accolti (Pietro), surnamed "II Vecchio," also Cardinal of Ancona, who was bishop of Sabino, Cadiz, and Cremonas in succession.
9 This name is crossed over in the original, which is not in cipher.
10 There is in the same volume, at fol. 188, a duplicate of this letter.
11 "Y por carta de V. Al. se escribe a Su Magt. ser partido mos. de bredan para acá el qual es el mensagero. Esto ha parecido a Su Magt. por que no tome el Rey de Francia por achaque que el está remitido á la dicha junta."
12 This letter, which is almost a duplicate of that addressed to the king (No. 175) with a few additions, ends by some particulars about the Emperor's preparations for his journey to Bologna, where he received his crowns from the hands of the Pope in February 1530.
13 "La seconde que la cire n'est mise á son devoir."
14 "Et va en bonne intention de prouver son triacle (?) sur les dits points."
15 "Tant y a que le Roy luy a fait donner jusques à trois mille ducas pour despendre à la poursuyte du divorce."
16 "Luy faire les merciations de la part de Votre Majesté."
17 "Cela me fayt penser qu'il (Campeggio) ne veult ainsi laisser la chose, et que la suspicion que le Roy a heu est sur I' advenir, non point sur Ie passé; pensant qu'a son partement il parleroit plus librement que paravant, mesme-ment comme I'one (sic) ne luy a donne I'evesche que luy a este promise."
18 "Ou qui par avanture vouldroit tousjours pescher en cest trouble."
19 "La chose que le Roy poyse autant pour son excuse du procès qu'a este icy esmeu sus la validité du mariage, est qu'il dist qu'il ne se trouvera qu'il ayt jamais fayt part en icelluy, et maintenant il raproche (sic) à la Royne que c'est elle qui fayt part."
20 "Et d'ailleurs ne se peut plus disposer à esclandre ni divulger que premiers."
21 "De sorte que pour forme de droit quant bien les parties commençeroint de commung accord au procès, puisque la matière concerne la spiritualité de I'ame, tenant tel moyen, seroit une grande decharge pour Votre Majestè."
22 "Et pense que le Roy ne le mettroyt en ny, cars plusieurs foys yl I'a dit et propalé."
23 Puis me conta bien amplement des nouvelles d'Hongrie qu'il avoit reçen des ambassadeurs de France que sont aux ligues (sic), qu'avoint envoye ung homme à la Diete Imperiale." Thus in the original. If the word ligues is meant for "leagues," the Suabian and that of the Protestant princes must be meant; but one might be inclined to think that lignes for frontiers or advanced army in front of the enemy is here meant.
24 I have already observed that the name of this ambassador is variously written in these despatches: Chapuis, Chapuys, and even Chappuys. In the present instance there are two points on the y, thus ÿ, instances of which do not occur elsewhere.
25 Monsieur de Waury, frequently called Bauri, Babry, and Baberi by Italians and Spaniards of these times.
26 "La qual instruction se descifrará de aqui á un año."