January 1530, 16-31


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'Spain: January 1530, 16-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 430-444. URL: Date accessed: 19 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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January 1530, 16-31

16 Jan.251. Martin de Salinas to Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f 228.
His Highness' letter of the 4th inst. from Lintz was duly received, and its contents read to His Imperial Majesty. Respecting the ordnance the Emperor promised to take every care of it, but observed that there were not so many pieces [in Italy] as stated in His Highness' memorandum. There were said to be 54 in all, and yet all the ordnance in Italy at the present time amounts only to 70 pieces, out of which 12 that came lately from Spain have been sent to the siege of Florence, and when no longer wanted will go to the kingdom of Naples. The rest of the artillery is in the castles of Milan and Como. The Emperor, therefore, wishes to know how many of these belong to His Highness, what their calibre is, to whom and at what time they were sent, and what ammunition came with them. The Bishop of Trent (Clesi) has been written to on this subject; when his answer comes and the number and calibre of the pieces are sufficiently specified, the Emperor is quite ready to take them with him when he goes over to Germany. The same may be said of the ammunition, bridges, pontoons, &c., of which nobody seems to know which belong to the Emperor and which to His Highness, for, as was the case with the ordnance, no proper account was taken at the time. When the pieces are counted it will be found that some are not forthcoming. Indeed Antonio de Leyva had some big guns cast to present to the Emperor, and, if the report be true, they were made out of the old ones.
Letters are being prepared summoning the electors for a Diet, though without fixing either the day or the place of the meeting, as the Emperor cannot yet tell when he will be in Germany, or what city is the most convenient for the purpose.
With regard to the 40,000 ducats to be furnished by the Pope, Miçer Andrea del Burgo and he (Salinas) are doing all they can to ensure the payment and looking more to the securities offered than to the shortness of the dates in the bills, which, after all, will not be cashed as soon as was anticipated.
Spoke to the Emperor in favour of Secretary Gabriel Sanchez as prescribed, but found the Emperor rather disinclined to make the grant, owing to the new settlements made in the Duchy, which will render null several provisions formerly made. Referred him, however, to Cobos, who promised to take into account Sanchez' services.
The friars of San Geronimo, of Madrid, are now writing to His Highness by Pedro Çapata de Mirabel begging he will obtain a jubilee from His Holiness.
Yesterday Don Pedro de Acuña and Martin de Gurrea arrived with His Highness' letters of favour. The Emperor does not seem very well disposed to employ the former in his service, and yet has written to the Chancellor, inquiring about his merits, the offices he has filled, &c. As to Gurrea, he was in due time introduced to the Emperor's presence, to whom he delivered the fowling pieces (escopetas) sent by His Highness. The Emperor inspected them carefully one after the other and admired much their workmanship, especially the white one and the one inlaid with ivory. Though most of the courtiers present coveted them immensely none had a chance to obtain one, for the Emperor ordered them all to be sent to his armoury.
With regard to Don Leopoldo [de Austria] he [Salinas] failed not to recommend his case as much as he could, suggesting that one of the vacant commanderships (encomiendas) in the Order of Calatrava or Alcantara yielding 2,000 ducats a year might be at once conferred upon him until a high commandership with eight or ten thousand should become vacant. Leopoldo is an old man and wants that for his maintenance. The Emperor referred him (Salinas) to Monsieur de Granbela (sic) who promised to do what he could for him.—Bologna 16th January, at night, 1530.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
20 Jan.252. Eustace Chappuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 226, No. 6.
By my despatches of the 10th and 13th inst., I have replied to Your Majesty's letters of the 16th December, and reported also on late occurrences, and especially on this new embassy about to be sent to Your Majesty. Among the motives and reasons assigned for it, the principal one seems to be, as I am told, to persuade Your Majesty to consent to this new marriage. Indeed, if I am to believe what the ambassadors themselves tell me, there can be no doubt that, if Your Imperial Majesty only agrees to the proposal, this king will offer to meet your wishes in every respect, either by raising money or entering on such an alliance as may be desired. And I am the more inclined to believe what they assert, that the King, I am told, has been heard to say that were he to get Your Majesty's consent for this new marriage, he would, in that case, become your slave for ever.
The ambassadors are positively to start to-morrow or next Friday, at least Mr. de Vulchier (Wiltshire) and Dr. Lee, for the third (Dr. Stockesley) is already at Paris arguing and disputing the divorce case. On their passage [through France] the ambassadors will take him up, and then proceed [to Rome] all together. Two more doctors go in their suite, a divine and a lawyer, their names are Croma (Cranmer) and Carmel (?) both English, and chaplains-in-ordinary to the King.
Many and different are the views which people here entertain respecting this embassy. Some regret that Mr. de Vulchier (Wiltshire) should be sent, fearing either that he will succeed in obtaining the Emperor's consent to this marriage, to which he is an acknowledged party, or else that, to prevent the King from wavering in his undertaking, he will not fully report all that takes place at the interview with Your Majesty. Others again think that this is the only way of getting speedily clear of this business, and that the King is now sending that nobleman, because as he would certainly make more strenuous efforts than anyone else to bring about this marriage, so, in the event of his being unsuccessful, would the King feel justified that he has done his utmost, and discharged his responsibility towards the father, daughter, and the whole family, whom, at the present moment, he does not wish to alienate. Besides which, it is rumoured in certain quarters—and the rumour has been adroitly circulated—that this embassy is not so much sent for the purpose of this marriage as for the conclusion of perpetual peace with Your Majesty.
The Queen at first was somewhat troubled at the prospect of this embassy, but since she has heard my opinion she looks less despondingly upon it, and has taken my advice. I have told her that, considering the state of affairs in this country, the only way of arriving at truth and getting to the end of this affair was to let these ambassadors and doctors go freely to Rome; for whatever judgment the Pope or the Rotta might pass, whilst Your Majesty is in Italy, is sure to be set aside by this king, on the ground that it was given solely from fear of Your Majesty, whereas, if these very doctors should be convinced (as it is to be hoped they will be) that right and justice are on the Queen's side, the King, either from shame or conviction, would not venture to appeal from the decision. Or, again, if this should fail to bring him to reason, fear of the Queen's relatives, and indeed of his own subjects, who are sincerely devoted to her, might induce him to abandon his purpose. It is, therefore, essential that Your Majesty should assemble a good number of learned men, especially theologians, to argue the case with these now sent from England, and who are, no doubt, the ablest the King could find to maintain his views. And should the moment seem propitious, the Pope ought also, both for the furtherance of justice and the upholding of his own authority, now at stake, to name and depute a number of theologians to be present at the disputations, and should the case proceed, to give his decision at once.
It is my impression that these ambassadors will, among other statements, represent to Your Majesty that the whole kingdom of England is urging the King to these proceedings, and that all the learned doctors of the country have given their opinion in favour of the divorce. But that is not the case, for in addition to the writings of the two most distinguished scholars and prelates, which I have already sent to Your Majesty and others, which I hope to forward shortly, we have two most excellent witnesses on our side, namely, Cardinal Campeggio and Mr. de Burgos, (fn. 1) now in that country, since whose departure the adherents of the Queen have come more prominently forward, for although the agents (procureurs) in Parliament have been chosen entirely at the King's pleasure and according to his wishes, still they would not venture to bring forward so unpopular a measure. I will say no more at present as I have already written fully on the subject at other times, and the Queen herself is now writing about it.
I have been told by Brian Tuke, with a good deal of mystery, that the agent of the duke George of Saxony has come here to ask for the hand of the Princess, whether for himself or for some other prince, I could not ascertain. I am therefore, the less inclined to believe the report mentioned in my despatch of the 31st of December, that the Duke had written to dissuade this king from his intended divorce, saying that such a proceeding would have been highly scandalous, and of very evil example; for naturally enough, if he intended to ask the Princess in marriage he would not wish to have her declared illegitimate.
He (Tuke) told me also that the agent of the Cardinal de Gurce, (fn. 2) about whom I wrote lately to Your Majesty, had come [to England] for the sole purpose of claiming certain arrears of pensions on ecclesiastical benefices, which he formerly held here. Could not, however, learn from him what could be the object of another agent of Mr. de Mayence (the archbishop of Maintz), who happens to be here just now.
The difference of opinion alluded to in my last despatch as having arisen between this king and the French ambassadors concerning the "fleur de lis" may be summed up in a few words. Mr. de Bayonne at first insisted on having it delivered into his keeping, alleging that otherwise the treaty of Cambray, which had cost France such labour and trouble to bring about, might be broken. Your Majesty, he observed, might perhaps be seeking an opportunity or pretext for evading the execution of the said treaty, or at least, for delaying the delivery of the "fleur de lis," which, not being forthcoming at the appointed time and place, would place their master entirely at Your Majesty's mercy. Mr. de Bayonne, therefore, most urgently requested that the jewel should be given up to him, and in case of refusal, that the King should allow the terms to stand as they were originally, when Mr. de Langey, his brother, came for the discharge, both of their own obligations and of the "fleur de lis." I have heard no more on the subject, and that is why I fancy that this king has perhaps taken some sort of engagement to contribute or lend money towards the ransom of Francis' sons, and that with a simple promissory note, offering to return the "fleur de lis" and the other obligations, they (the French) would have been quit of their debt towards this king, that being their reason for wishing things to remain as they were formerly. But the answer has been that the King was bound to fulfil his promises and deliver the said ring as soon as Your Majesty's will should be made known to him, without which he could not possibly think of restoring it; and besides, since the most Christian King had innovated upon the original agreement and accepted the loan of what Your Majesty owed him, besides the "fleur de lis," it was not in the power of Mr. de Bayonne to ask for the return to the former agreement.
The two dukes, perceiving how obstinately the French ambassador insisted on his claim, were half inclined to yield and persuade the King to give up the point, but this the King would in nowise grant, telling the two dukes and others of his privy councillors how surprised he was that they who were wont to reproach him with too great readiness to acquiesce in the proposals of the French, should now advise him to give away that which was not his own, and submit, as it were, to force, (fn. 3) thereby offending the Emperor who would thus have good reason to complain. If it came to that, he said, he would forthwith demand from the French all the money they owed him. Some of the councillors present stood by the King and supported his opinion, but the duke of Nolpholc (Norfolk) observed that such a course would again lead to war. Upon which one of the Council replied: "If every time that a request from France to this country, or one from us to the French is refused we are to be threatened with war it will be a most intolerable servitude. If things are to come to such a pass, better have war now than at any other time." The Duke'a opinion prevailed at last; the above discussion took place in the absence of Mr. de Bayonne and of his brother.
Subsequently to this, on the first arrival of these same French ambassadors, another question was raised. This king, when the treaty that preceded the challenge was made, engaged to make war on Your Majesty in Flanders, and, as he could not, or rather his subjects would not allow him to carry that out, he promised the king of France to contribute a sum of money towards the expenses of the war in Italy, which this king did most faithfully, even beyond the amount stipulated. The King, therefore, asked from the king of France an acknowledgment that he had kept his engagements. The ambassadors replied that he was fully entitled to such acknowledgment, but at the same time demanded a similar one from him for the King, their master. Upon which the King curtly replied that he would do nothing of the sort, and that he was very much astonished at their making such a demand, since they must or ought to know full well that the French king had not yet fulfilled one even of the conditions of that treaty. The duke of Norfolk here interposed to smooth matters over, and on the 12th of January, the day before I had my interview with the King, the said Sieur de Bayonne had his congé, and received the same evening a present of gold plate, worth 12 angelots, besides many other gifts bestowed on previous occasions, and the King moreover has relinquished, as is well known, one half year of his yearly pension towards the recovery of the King's sons.
On the 13th, the day of my interview with the King, Mr. de Bayonne was ready to start for France, but, hearing that despatches had arrived from Your Majesty, he waited that day in the hope that I might have received instructions concerning the "fleur de lis." In the evening the King sent him word by Brian Tuke that he was quite ready to give him another audience, and, therefore, that he was to come to him. The Frenchman replied that he must know what the King wanted of him before he went. Upon which Brian Tuke represented to him that the King might well have matters to communicate, and, among others, the form in which the powers to be sent to France for the signature of his brother, the Sieur de Langey, should be drawn up, so as to ensure the safe conveyance of the "fleur de lis," if it should be entrusted to the person he himself was about to send, as I wrote in my last despatch; also a sort of obligation that, in the event of the King's sons not being ransomed, the ring and other securities should be duly returned to him. Upon which the Sieur de Bayonne deliberately swore (jura franchement) that he would not enter upon the subject at all. They had already delayed him for two days, and he would wait no longer. They might, if they chose, treat with his brother. I hear that the Kong sent once more to him, but he would not go, though he did not set out on his journey till the 14th, when he started without letters or passport from this king, which had to be sent after him.
I have been told that his brother, Mr. de Langey, has made several presents to the Lady in the way of rings, gold neck-laces, rosaries, and other trinkets, whether in his own name or in that of his master, the King, I cannot say; (fn. 4) but I have been told that the ambassador's object was, first to obtain the good favour of the Lady, and then sell to the King many fine jewels he has brought with him. If so, he could not have made use of a better broker. (fn. 5) They further say that the Frenchman has at his own house very fine jewellery and precious stones of all kinds, and that he has besides given a good many to be sold under another name. Among other things, a young Frenchman has shewn me this very day one single diamond tablet, and a large cross of the same stones, for which, as he tells me, the ambassador has here refused 10,000 crs., and for which he wants 12,000. If I am to believe what the young man says, the jewels belong to a merchant of Lyons, but, as I said before, the general opinion here is that they belong to Mr. de Langey or to his master [the king of France.]
The Queen has informed me [through a confidential messenger] that the King had lately written, or was about to do so, to the archbishop of Canterbury, as chief archbishop, primate, and legate of this kingdom, to give him warning that, unless the Pope consented to the accomplishment of this marriage, his own and other ecclesiastical authority would be at an end here in England, and that he himself (the King), the nobles, and the people, provoked and hurt at the advocation of the suit to Rome, had already shewn great animosity against ecclesiastics in general, and were getting daily more and more incensed against them, and would become Lutherans in the end. He (the King) wished to give the Archbishop notice of this, because he was the Pope's vicar in England. (fn. 6)
This information has only come from the above-mentioned quarter, and therefore it may have been said merely to frighten the Queen, as no doubt was the case when the Spanish letter, of which I sent Your Majesty a copy, was written to me.
A few days ago I received a message from Mr. de Vulchier (Wiltshire) to say that he intended to call upon me at my lodgings. Yesterday he sent an excuse by Richemont, the king-at-arms now in attendance upon him, to say that, owing to his many engagements, he had been unable to call : he should certainly have done so, notwithstanding the bad weather, for he wished very much to speak to me before his departure for Italy, but had been prevented. Should I happen to pass by, or be in the neighbourhood of his lodgings (lougis) he begged me to let him know. The excuse, no doubt, was to a certain point genuine and legitimate, but I fancy that Mr. de Vulchier would have liked to have it said that Your Majesty's ambassador had called upon him. I would, however, have gone thither had I been sure of promoting the Imperial interests through my visit, or that his present mission bears on any other subject than the divorce, but as it is notorious here that he goes almost exclusively for that purpose, I considered it derogatory to Your Majesty's dignity to visit him under such circumstances, besides which the Queen and most of the people would have been displeased at it. Therefore, although I promised Mr. de Vulchier that, if I had time, I would call at his house, I never did.
Part of the embassy's luggage, and servants with eight mules, have left already. It is thought that the whole troupe will consist of 60 or 80 horses, exclusive of the mules. (fn. 7) —Londres, xx. Janv. an. 30.
Signed: "Eustace Chappuys."
French. Holograph partly in cipher, pp. 5.
21 Jan.
S. E. L. 12,
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 357.
253. The Emperor to Don Pedro Fernandez de Velasco, duke of Frias, Charles de Poupet, Sieur de La Chaulx, and Louis de Praët.
Empowers them to conduct to the frontier of France the sons of the most Christian King, and likewise to receive 1,200,000 ducats of gold.—Bologna, 21st January 1530.
Latin. Original draft, p. 1.
25 Jan.
S. Pat. Re. Cap.
L. 2, f. 48.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 359.
254. The Empress' Instructions to Don Antonio de Mendoza.
Besides explaining the points contained in your instructions, you will inform the Emperor of the late deliberations of the Council of War respecting the arming of the fleet. The councillors are of opinion that if the Emperor's intentions are to have in Spain a powerful fleet with which to attack the Infidel, and that if he intends sending us for that purpose the galleys of Andrea Doria and the others he has with him, in that case he must immediately let us know his determination that the provisions, stores, and ammunition required for the said fleet may be prepared without loss of time. The said Andrea, or the captains of his galleys ought to come as soon as possible, so as not to allow the enemy time to prepare himself.
If, however, the Emperor's intention is merely to defend the eastern and southern coast of Spain against Moorish and Turkish pirates, and that for that purpose he wishes a number of galleys to be fitted out at Barcelona; you must tell him that much delay will be experienced in this owing to the want in that city of officers and sailors, as well as of artillery to arm them with. It is, therefore, indispensable that the Imperial ambassador at Genoa look out for proper officers and able sailors, and dispatch them forthwith to Barcelona.
Should this last be the Emperor's purpose, it would still be advisable to send us some of the galleys he has in Italy, in a good seafaring condition, and with well trained crews, that they may, as it were, form the nucleus of this Mediterranean fleet. And if you were asked how many are required for such a purpose, you may answer as if it came from yourself that three at least of the galleys which the Emperor kept in Italy, and two more belonging to the lord of Monaco might be very useful for such a purpose. If these could not come five or six might be sent well armed and with efficient crews.
Has been told that the lord of Monaco has in his company a man named Battista, who is very clever, and has had much practice in the fitting out of galleys. If so, he might with that Lord's consent be engaged to come to Barcelona and help in the armament of the galleys.—Madrid, 25th January 1530.
Signed: "Yo La Reyna."
Countersigned: "By Her Majesty's commands: Juan Vazquez."
Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
25 Jan.255. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
c. 226. No. 7.
On Thursday, the 20th inst., I wrote to Your Majesty of current affairs. (fn. 8) Next day, on receiving the letters of the 23rd ult., I went to the King, who is still detained in this city by business, or perhaps, as reported, to be at a greater distance from the Queen. Was very graciously received; indeed, the warmth of the King's welcome seems to increase each time that he gives me an audience. On this occasion he inquired eagerly after Your Majesty's health and welfare, and shewed great pleasure on hearing favourable accounts of both.
I presented Your Majesty's letter to the King, who, after reading it, said it had arrived just at the right moment, since it brought the answer on a matter about which the French ambassador had been so unfortunate.
All the letters having been read by the King, I proceeded to state, by way of credence (par creance), that the Emperor having been informed by my despatches of all that had lately passed between the King, the members of his Privy Council, the French ambassador, and myself, taking also into consideration the terms of the treaty of Cambray, which required him (the King) to have the "fleur de lis" conveyed by one of his own people to the place and at the time of the restitution of the children of France, and there delivered into the hands of the Emperor's commissioners empowered to receive the same, due acknowledgment and discharge being given at the time, Your Majesty found it both reasonable and just to follow this course, the forms of the treaty being observed, and satisfaction given to all parties. That Your Majesty fully believed, from what I myself had written, as well as from the fact that he (the King) was powerful enough to enact the fulfilment of the said treaty in all its parts, that the "fleur de lis" would be sent as above stated; but that, still, in order completely to remove any scruple or hesitation in the matter, or any idea that Your Majesty was hindering thereby the fulfilment of the treaty, and also to comply with his own wishes as expressed in his letter, you had been pleased to make a declaration of your views and intentions respecting the matter. The King expressed his satisfaction at this, and said that as soon as I had carried out my intention of having the "fleur de lis" professionally examined, it should be carefully packed, and his own royal seal affixed to the packet, mine being likewise appended so that no tampering with its contents should be possible, and that then, as soon as the promised security should arrive from M. de Bayonne he (the King) would dispatch his ambassador to France with the jewel. Begged to be excused from affixing my own seal to the packet, as it was neither necessary, nor indeed fitting, that it should be placed by the side of his; the King, however, insisted upon this being done.
After some further conversation on less important matters, the King said that Monseigneur (his usual designation for M. de Vulchier) had set out that very morning, after having, as he believed, been to call on me. Replied that M. de Vulchier had been prevented from coming to me by press of business, just before his departure; but had written to make his excuses and take leave; and that his landlord (hoste), besides, had deceived me, for when I attempted to call on the Earl that morning, expecting to find him at home, I was told that he had already taken his departure. (fn. 9) The King then said': "I am very glad that the Earl has started so early; that saved you the trouble of calling upon him, which, on the present occasion, and with your position at this court, would have been an immense honour for him." Many other flattering things did the King say on this occasion, which I answered in a similar strain. (fn. 10)
As the king had himself introduced the subject of the embassy he is now sending to Your Majesty, I told him that I had purposedly bridled my curiosity on this occasion, and abstained from seeking the special information generally granted to ambassadors when a mission is being sent to their masters, because knowing well the great friendship, affection, and good-will, now greater even than at any other time, which Your Majesty bore him, there was really no need to ask for such information, or that I should send any advices thereupon to assist Your Majesty's deliberations, sure as I was that you had quite determined to accede to his proposals on every point that you could honestly and legitimately do, and that besides I had always presumed, and did still presume, that a prince of so much wisdom and goodness as he was would not demand from Your Majesty anything but what was right and reasonable, for it was the law of true friendship to ask no service from a friend but what could be rightly granted. (fn. 11) To which the King replied, that he had no wish to conceal anything from me; he thought he had fully explained the general purport of this embassy; (fn. 12) at any rate I might be sure that no ambassadors had ever left this country with more complete instructions or fuller powers. To my remark, that I was certain the ambassadors would make no proposals but those strictly honest, the king answered, "No;" but, to say the truth, this was said in a much colder tone than he had previously used, and looking away from me as he spoke, which I can only explain by his desire, that no scrupulous adherence to honesty and justice should stand in the way of his divorce. (fn. 13)
The King then inquired for news of the Venetians, and the duke of Milan, and whether Your Majesty had made an agreement with them; I answered, that all that business had been finally settled. At first the King affected some incredulity at this, saying that he had been led by them to believe that until he himself took the affair in hand no settlement would be effected. Then after a few minutes' reflection he said that no doubt his ambassadors, to whom he had given some instructions on this head, had assisted in bringing the matter to a conclusion, and that though he was far from arrogating to himself the glory of it, still it was a fact that the arrival of his ambassadors [in Italy] and the news of his good understanding with Your Majesty, had caused many to withdraw from the contest and give in their adhesion to the Emperor. (fn. 14) He then went on to speak of the great loss [of men] in these late wars, especially in France, where, he said, Monseigr. de Guise (fn. 15) was now the only captain of any repute remaining. I told him that there was still M. D'Albanie, (the duke of Albany), (fn. 16) of whom I reminded him, not without mystery. The King confessed that it was true, but that the Duke had always been unfortunate [in war]. He also spoke to me of the heavy expense incurred by the French in the late wars, which he thought at first would take them two years of peace to recover, although on closer calculation he found that in spite of all the French might say, it would take more than ten years to restore that country to the condition in which it was before the war. In short, he said, he should be well pleased when the French did pay their debts that he might come in for his share. Remarked, in order to ascertain how the case stood, that probably he had some security for the payment. The King replied that he had the very best possible security, for his claim had been recognized by the Estates of France, and that several places had been mortgaged (hypothequés) to him, the inhabitants of which were bound, in the event of the King refusing payment, to transfer their allegiance to him, and consequently would be released from all obligation to the king of France. These were his securities; still he said he should prefer being in possession of his money, and it was at this that he was now aiming, advancing his last claims in order the better to secure the first. My reply was that things were getting into order now, and that he was much more sure of recovering this new debt than the former ones. The King perceived what I was driving at, and therefore said that the one and only way of compelling the king of France to keep his engagements both to him and to you, was the friendship and good understanding between Your Majesty and himself; that he quite knew that Your Majesty's debt to him was safer in his hands than in those of the King's, but that still by this transference of the debt (cette innovation de debte) peace had been secured, as it had removed all causes of disagreement between the Empire and himself. He spoke also of your coronation, hoping that it might take place at Bologna, merely for the better convenience of his ambassadors who would then reach the Imperial Court sooner. Indeed, he is so impatient about this that I believe he will enjoy no sleep until he hears that his ambassadors are already at work. (fn. 17)
After a long conference on these and other various topics, I took leave of the King and went away. He begged me to come to him whether I had advices to communicate or not, without ceremony, and whenever I felt inclined, for (he said) I should always be welcome.
Before my audience from the King I was met by Monsgr. de Norfolk, who remained some little time in conversation with me. Said to him that he had begun the other day to tell me of the contest that had arisen between the King and Monsgr. de Bayonne, but that he had not finished his account. The Duke replied that Mr. de Bayonne had had some skirmishes (s'avoit ung peu excarmouché) with some of the King's councillors on various points, and especially about the "fleur de lis", saying that he was much surprised to see that the king of England who had not hesitated formerly to declare in favour of his ancient and perpetual enemy against his old friend, relative and ally, the Emperor, should now make so much difficulty about such a trifle as this "fleur de lis." He had found no one to take his part among the councillors who answered that times had much changed since that declaration, and that other counsels now prevailed, laying of course all the blame on the Cardinal. (fn. 18) Then the Duke went on to say that he was now going to speak to me rather as a friend and brother than as a foreigner and ambassador. "You are aware (he said), that my brother-in-law, the Sr. de Vulchier (Wiltshire) (fn. 19) is not of a warlike disposition; on the contrary, he is very timid, and if, on his arrival in Italy, he should find any danger abroad, or even suspicion of it, I believe him capable of not venturing to proceed on his journey." The Duke, therefore, begged me to write to Your Majesty, that some precautions should be taken for his security. Answered that I considered it quite superfluous to write to Your Majesty about it. He (the Duke) knew very well how former ambassadors had been treated by you, and that even if the Sr. de Vulchier (Wiltshire) were not going as ambassador from the king of England, the fact only of his being his brother-in-law would be sufficient reason for Your Majesty to take the greatest care of his safety. The Duke, nevertheless, still urged me to write and send somebody in great haste to inquire if the last post had left for Rome, and in case the messenger was not gone that he should wait until I had written the letter. Finding, however, that he had, he made me promise to write by the next, which I could not well refuse to do, having always found the said Duke well disposed to serve Your Majesty. I consider, however, all this to have been simply done to give themselves importance, and gain, reputation, and that the fear which they seem to entertain is only an excuse. (fn. 20)
The Duke at this interview said nothing about the marriage, as he has been in the habit of doing, yet at one time he hinted at Mr. de Vulchier (Wiltshire) in a manner that would have pleased me much more if only he had gone more into the subject, for he said that though the said nobleman would not personally work in that business for which he was sent to Your Majesty, yet it was at least a very reputable thing that such a personage should go to the Imperial Court [on such a mission]. The Duke did not actually say that nevertheless the Earl [and the rest] would be glad to see the accomplishment of the marriage, but it would have been much better if he had declared that they (the ambassadors) would abstain altogether from speaking about it. I dared not interrogate him further for fear of appearing to cast doubt on his statement. (fn. 21)
I have been told by the landlord of the house where the French ambassador lives that he has heard him say that the King, his master, had caused several learned Parisian doctors to be written to in support of this divorce and that 35 of them had already declared in favour of it; that the subject had been much argued, and that among the said doctors were some, who, fearing lest they might lose the preferments they held under Your Majesty, did not venture to give an opinion in the matter; and that a promise had been made to them in the name of the two kings that in such case more valuable benefices should be bestowed upon them. The number of doctors they have found ready for this purpose is certainly not large; but on the other hand, the amount of crowns they have been obliged to disburse has been really enormous. Now if it only turns out true that the king of France is forwarding this matter that alone should be sufficient to dissuade this king from pursuing his enterprize, seeing that whilst the latter is seeking Your Majesty's close alliance and friendship he of France is doing all he can to keep you apart, which, after all, is the surest means for him to escape the payment both of the pension and debt. But this king is so blinded by his love for the Lady that he sees nothing else but the means of having her for his wife. I hope that Your Majesty will be able to open his (the King's) eyes this time. (fn. 22)
I have not yet seen the discharge (quictance) drawn out by the King. It will be shewn to me one of these days, although, according to Mr. de Norfolk's account, there is nothing to be altered in it, the French having had it made now as ample as possible.
The Germans mentioned in my last letter are still here interceding with the King for the Cardinal. He has been ill for eight days and the doctors fear an access of madness, which they say will bring on almost immediate death. The Cardinal himself says that for him there is neither doctor nor medicine but the King. (fn. 23) —London, 25th January 1530.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Holograph. pp. 12.


1 Don Iñigo de Mendoza, bishop of Burgos, once Charles' ambassador in England, 1527-9
2 Again written Guise, which seems to be a mistake for Gurce or Gurk, in Carinthia.
3 "Et que pis estoit qu'il sembloit qu'il le luy vousissent fere fere a coupt de baston, et puis que ainsy alloit [la chose] qu'il les vouloit presser de ce qu'ils luy estoint tenus."
4 "Comme des anneaux, bagues a porter au colz, chappelletz et autres migniottises."
5 "A quoy fere yl ne pouvoit avoer trouvé meilleur corrattier."
6 "La Royne m'a mande adverty que le Roy avoit fayt escrire ou desliberoit le fere fere à l'archevesque de Canturbery comme au principal archevesque, primat et legat du royaume, advertissant le Pape qu'il voulsist pourveoir que le marriage se paracheva, ou autrement son autorité et de tous les ecclesiastiques se alloyt aneantifz (ancantir) içy, et que le Roy, les grans et le peuple pour despitz de l'avocation de la cause avoint desja tres mal traitté les dits ecclesiastiques, et estoint [tous] les jours pour pys fere, et à la fin se fere lutherien. De quoy yl avoit bien voulu [l'] adverty pour autant qu'il estoit de par de ça son lieutenant."
7 Il a desja fayt marcher partie de ses gens et huyt mulletz; l'on pense que toutte la troppe sera de LX ou iiiixx chevaux sans les mulletz."
8 See page 432, No. 252.
9 "Et son hoste mavoit deçeu, cart je le penses veoer ce matin la, et l'on me dit qu'il estoit desja en voye."
10 "Il me repondist qu'il estoit doncques bien ayse qu'il fust party matin pour n'avoer eu occasion de prendre la poyne de l'aller visiter, et que ce luy fust este desmesuremant fayt [plus] honneur quil ne convenoit à la charge quaves içy d'y aller, et beaucoupt de belles parolles aux quelles je repliquay en semblable monnoye."
11 "Et dé l'autre couste ausy, je presuppouses et presuppose que luy estant prince de si bon sçavoer et grand vertu qu'il ne voudroit demander ne requerir a votre majeste sinon choses legitimes et raysonables; ausy estoyt ce la loix de vraye amytie de ne demander aux amys, ne fere pour eux que choses dheues."
12 "A quoy me respondit que n'estoes celuy a qui yl vouloit escondre telz cas, et qu'il me pensoit assez avoer desclayre."
13 "Quant à ce que luy aves dit qu'il ne demanderoint que choses honnestes, il respondit que non, mays a non mentir yl dit cecy plus froidemcnt beaucoupt que la reste, et tournant ung peu le visage de l'autre couste, que signiffioit à mon advis qu'il ne voudroit que l'on fust tropt scrupuleux en honnestete et justice au cas de son divorce."
14 "Plus me dit, protestant toutesfoys que pour esviter suspicion et presumption de gloyre yl ne le debvoit dire, que estant là arrivce son ambassade a la contemplation d'icelle et de l'intelligence de votre majeste et [de] luy plusicurs gens ployeroint le gantellet et inclineroint plus voulenticrs a la devotion de votre majeste."
15 This Monsieur de Guise (Claude de Lorraine, count and afterwards duke of Guise) was at this time one of the most distinguished generals of France.
16 "II layssoit Monseigneur d'Albanie, du quel pour mistere le remantonay il me confessa qu'il estoit vray mays qu'il estoyt este tosjours infortuné."
17 "II a si grand envye qu'il[s] soyent incontinent la que ie pense qu'il ne dormira de bon ceur qu'il n'aye nouvelles de leur besoingnier."
18 "Que le tempz n'estoit telz qu'il estoit quant fust faylte la ditte declaration, et qu'il y avoit autres conseilliers, et du toust chargerent le bast au Cardinal."
19 "Que sçaves bien que le sieur de Vulchier, son beau frere, n'estoit point homme de guerre, et qu'il estoit fort craintif, a cause de quoy il se doubtoit que venant le dit sieur en Italye, yl estoit bien taille, s'il voit quelque dangier ou souspicion d'içelluy, de ne ouser passer oultre, pour quoy yl me prioit vouloer escrire qu'il pleust a v[ost]re majeste y pourveoer, et y avoer regard."
20 "Il[s] prennent couleur sur la crainte mays il ne font cecy que pour reputation."
21 "Le dit duc ne me tint point de propos du marriage comm'il souloit. Il en tint ung que me pleust mieux seullement qu'il heust ponssé ung peu plus avant. Cart yl dit que [si] le dit sieur de Vulchier n'exployttoit en ce pour quoy il alloit á votre Majesté, au moins seroit ce reputation que ung tel personnage fust de si loing alle vers votre dite Majesté. Cella fust assez qu'il ne dist point que ce non obstant yl ne l'estoint [contents] d'acchever leur marriage, mays yl eust ete meilleur s'il heust declayré qu'il s'en deporteroint. Je ne l'ousey interroger plus avant pour non mettre le cas en doubte."
22 "S'il est ainsy que le Roy de France sollicite ceste matiere, cella seullement debvroit bien detourner et dissuader au Roy ceste entreprinse, veuillant considerer que l'autre ne procure que de se conjoindre en amytie et alliance avec votre Majesté, et de l'autre couste yl taschent d'en faire disjoindre cestuy, qu'est le vray moyen de ne luy payer plus ne pension ne debte. Il est tant aveugle apres ceste demoiselle qu'il ne considere autre que le moyen de l'avoer. J'espere que votre Majeste luy vurrira les yeux à ceste foys."
23 "Les allemans dont fis mention a mes dernieres sont içy pour prier au Roy pour le Cardinal. Il est malade puys huict jours, et le jugent les docteurs tomber en frenesie que le despechera incontinent. Il dit qu'il n'y a autre medecin pour luy que le Roy."