February 1530, 1-20


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'Spain: February 1530, 1-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 444-457. URL: Date accessed: 17 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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February 1530, 1-20

2 Feb.256. Martin de Salinas to the King of Bohemia and Hungary.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 229 v..
His Highness' letter of the 21st ult., dated from Balbais, (Budweiss) was duly received on the 1st inst., when both Miçer Andrea del Burgo and he (Salinas) hastened to the Emperor's residence, and communicated their contents.
Respecting count Felix of Werdenberg, the Emperor promised to have the affair looked into and see to its remedy.
Of the errors and excesses committed by M. de Bredan the Emperor was already informed. Nevertheless, Burgo and he (Salinas) thought fit to recite the paragraph of His Highness' letter concerning that diplomatist, that the Emperor might know what His Highness' ambassadors had written about him at the time, and act accordingly.
The order for the payment of the sums owed to His Highness has reached Naples at last. As soon as Francisco de Villena, the treasurer, acknowledges the receipt of them, steps shall be taken to receive the money, and forward it to Leintz (Lintz).
(Cipher :) With regard to the 3,000 Spaniards, the Emperor keeps making promises, but has not yet made up his mind as to how and when they are to start. Indeed, as His Highness will see by another despatch in Latin, Burgo and he (Salinas) were advised [by the Chancellor] not to mention the affair, but wait until he (the Emperor) could name the time with certainty.
Don Pedro de Acuña is so active in what personally concerns himself that he needs no assistance from anyone. Ever since his introduction to the Emperor he has become so pressing and troublesome that in order to avoid his importunities he has been referred to the High Chancellor, that an inquiry be made into his past services, if any, his capacity, learning, &c., and whether he is or is not fit for a diplomatic situation. I am, therefore, afraid that Acuña will get nothing; for he is considered by the Emperor and by the members of his Privy Council as a great bore and a jester (chocarrero), and the reports here current about his person and abilities are anything but favourable. He is said to be a native of Seville, a bastard son of one Esquivel, and that owing to certain excesses committed in his youth he changed his name to Acuña. His first exploit was to get admission into a nunnery, pretending that he was guilty of a horrible crime, for which, if detected, he would be killed and quartered. (fn. 1) The good nuns sheltered him and hid him in the most secret part of their convent. After this he took part in the wars of the "Comunidades," and was obliged to fly for his life to France, where he was employed as a spy, after again taking to the name of Esquivel. Suspicions being raised as to his personality he was expelled from France, and sent to the frontier [of Spain] under escort. He then went to Turkey, &c. From the account of this man's life and doings His Highness will judge what little chance he has of being employed by the Emperor.
Thinks it advisable under present circumstances that favours should be bestowed on those Imperial servants now in this city who have hitherto shewn inclination to be useful, and who may be so hereafter, such as Cobos, Granvela, and others. His Highness might present them with fur pelisses and other such like things, &c.—Bologna, 2nd February 1530.
Addressed: "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
6 Feb.257. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
c. 226, No. 8.
Since my last [of the 25th Jan.] the Bishop of Rochester, careful of the King's conscience, and the welfare of this kingdom, has for the Queen's good, and out of his own regard for truth, finished revising and correcting the book which he lately wrote, and which I sent to Your Majesty. He has also written a new one, (fn. 2) which the Queen has directed me to forward immediately and in all haste by this present courier, that the persons deputed by Your Majesty to uphold her rights, and defend her case [at Rome], may have leisure and opportunity to study and examine his arguments thoroughly before the arrival of those who are about to oppose them on the King's part. The said Bishop has entreated the Queen to do this, although he greatly fears his being known as the author of this last book, as the Queen herself informs Your Majesty. Of the pains the Bishop has taken in writing those works, a sufficient testimony is afforded by the works themselves; his great learning, and his good and pious life, well known at Rome and elsewhere, cannot fail to add authority and credit to his opinion; besides which his being a subject of this king will shew that he cannot be suspected of unfair dealing as was the case with those who have hitherto advocated the King's cause, as I have informed Your Majesty.
The Queen is treated as badly and even worse than ever. The King avoids her company as much as he can. He is always here with the Lady, whilst the Queen is at Richmond. He has never been half so long without visiting her as he is at present, giving as an excuse or pretence that some one has died of the plague near her residence. He has also resumed his attempts to persuade her to become a nun; this, however, is but a delusion and loss of time, for the Queen will never condescend to consent to it. The continued trouble and annoyance which she has to undergo compel her to be importunate both by her own letters and by mine; nor will she cease to do so until her suit is brought to a final conclusion, which she hopes will take place before Your Majesty's departure from Italy.
Jean Jocquin, the French ambassador, is here, and has brought with him money to pay the private pensions which the King, his master, gives here to various persons. The day after his arrival he and Mr. de Langey (Langeais) went to Court, conducted without ceremony by one of the King's chamberlains. They were well received by the King, and had a pretty long interview. On Saturday last they were again summoned to Court, but remained a very short time. On their return they called to visit me, and invite me to dinner for the next day. They called again on Sunday to fetch me. We had a long conversation, but I could find no particulars about Jockin's mission, except that he had come, as he informed me, to reside in England for some time; and that his principal object in coming was the recovery of the "fleur de lis," and the payment of the private pensions. Coming to the subject of the peace and Turkish affairs, he began to say that it would be both unwise and impolitic for the Christian princes not to make some arrangement with the Vayvod; for unless they did, the Turk would, and Christianity would gain nothing by that. I remonstrated, and told him that from the very beginning the king of Hungary (Ferdinand) had endeavoured to do so; but there is evidently some sort of brotherhood and close understanding between them (the French) and the said Vayvod, for they all speak affectionately enough about him, as did Mr. de Bayonne (Jean du Bellay), the ambassador, when he was here last. Captain Rangon (fn. 3) whom the king of France sent to the Vayvod, had not returned when the said Jocquin left; but he could not, he said, tarry long for he had been recalled, and was already on his road to Venice, and he named the gentleman who had been sent for that purpose.
After this the conversation turned upon Dr. Stocley's (Stockesley) commission, and his attempt at Paris to obtain for the king of England a decision of the doctors of that University in favour of his divorcing the Queen, his wife, and marrying another. At first they denied all knowledge of the affair, until at last Mr. de Langey, perceiving by the questions I put, and the conjectures I formed, that I suspected him of knowing something about it, was obliged to throw off the mask and to admit that he really had cognizance of the fact. He excused his first denial by stating that he had misunderstood me. He thought I asked him whether the question had or had not been debated in the Sorbonne by the University, of which he knew nothing. Respecting the private opinion of some of its doctors he knew for certain that Dr. Stocker (Stockesley) had consulted several, among whom many whom he had supposed to be favourable to his views, and ready to write in favour of this king, had certainly given opinions exactly contrary to his wishes. The same thing had happened to a Spanish doctor (fn. 4) residing at the Sorbonne, who was soliciting votes in favour of the Queen. Mr. de Langey spoke of this with precision, as if he had been present at the affair, and I really believe, as I lately had occasion to inform Your Majesty, that he has by his master's commands taken particular interest in this matter. In this opinion I am the more confirmed that I saw yesterday a letter from an Englishman residing in Paris, wherein the offers made to such doctors as would vote in favour of this king are expressly mentioned.
The said letter from Paris states that the chief object of Jockin's mission here was to reinstate the Cardinal in the King's favour, which, had it not been for the Lady [Anne] would have been easy enough, for as I have written to Your Majesty, it is generally believed here that the King bears no hatred to the Cardinal. If there has been ill-will it has been against the wealth he had amassed and property, and not against his person, and in this respect it would seem as if the King was not entirely in the wrong, for if the Cardinal made him spend large sums of money, and declared that all the wealth he himself accumulated was entirely for the King and for his service, to have taken possession of it a little sooner than the Cardinal expected could not be a subject of offence or injury, especially since from the moment he began to suspect his disgrace up to the time of his fall, he kept always repeating that the King could not do him a greater favour than to take away and appropriate to himself everything he possessed in this world, proceeding as it did from the Royal bounty. As a further proof that the King did not bear the Cardinal any personal ill-will I may add that from the beginning he determined that his case should not be brought before Parliament, for had it been decided against him, he could not, in face of such a decision, have pardoned him as he intended to do, and has since done, as I will relate hereafter.
The said Jean Jocquin lodges at the house of a former confidential servant of the Cardinal's. Soon after his arrival here the Cardinal, though still unwell at the time, and under the hands of his physician, a native of Venice, in whom as a man of wit and sense, and a foreigner, he places great trust, sent him with a message to Jocquin, who has now been staying with him four or five days. I have no doubt that if the French only found the means of reinstating the Cardinal they would spare no trouble to bring him into power again, for notwithstanding the fair front they show to the duke of Norfolk, I know for certain that they do not place much reliance on him. Were the affair properly conducted, the result would be greatly to their advantage; but if they fail in the attempt, as seems probable, it will only serve to irritate those now in power and at the head of affairs, whose very lives are at stake. (fn. 5)
As I have lately informed Your Majesty, the Cardinal has been ill, or, as some will have it, feigned illness, in the hope that the King would go and see him, which he has not done, though by way of compensation he sent him the other day the best remedy for his illness, namely, a promise of pardon and grace, as well as absolution (abolition) from all the charges brought against him. On hearing which the Cardinal immediately began to improve and is now in full convalescence. To-day he is to receive the said act of grace and pardon in the form in which he applied for it. The King, moreover, is to leave him the full enjoyment of his archbishopric of York and give him besides a yearly pension of 3,000 angels on the revenues of the bishopric of Winchester, in exchange for which he is to renounce all claims on that and every other ecclesiastical benefice. Besides the 10,000 angels which the King has sent him since his condemnation, two services of plate, and tapestry hangings enough for five rooms, have been restored to him, the rest of his money and house furniture remaining in the King's hands. With regard to his house in this city, the King has within the last few days taken legal possession of it, and incorporated it in his patrimony, and in place thereof is to give another house, which will belong in future to the archbishops of York. (fn. 6) Master Russell told me that in consequence of a few words which he said to the King in favour of the Cardinal, the Lady [Anne] had not spoken to him for nearly a month, and that six days ago the duke of Norfolk himself had declared to him that the Lady, his niece, had taken great offence at his interference, and was also very angry with him (the Duke) for not having used his influence to the utmost against the Cardinal, of which she had often complained. (fn. 7)
After this declaration the Duke went and asked Master Russell whether he did not think that the Cardinal still cherished the wish and the hope of again returning to power, to which question he (Russell) replied that the Duke must be aware of the Cardinal's courage and ambition, they were such that he would never draw back were there a chance of again re-entering office, and that this chance might present itself should the Bang require his counsel and assistance in any matter which he had formerly been in the habit of transacting. Hearing which the Duke began to swear vehemently, declaring that sooner than allow the Cardinal's return to favour under such circumstances he would eat him up alive. Such were, according to Mr. Russell, the Duke's words, and I understand that it is to prevent any such possibility that the Cardinal has been forbidden to approach within six or seven miles of the Court.
I have been told by a cousin of the above-named physician that during the Cardinal's late illness the Lady had sent some one to visit him and to represent her as willing to speak to the King in his favour, a report rather difficult to believe after what I have related above, and considering the enmity and hatred which she has always borne him. One of two things, either she must have thought that the Cardinal was upon his death bed, or else she must have done it in order to shew her capabilities for dissimulation and intrigue (affayterie) in which arts she is generally reputed to be an accomplished mistress, or else it must be owned that Jean Jockin can work miracles and has already begun to perform this one.
The German who came here the second day of Christmas week, and of whom I wrote in my despatch of the 20th ult., has been sent, as I am informed, by the duke Frederic, elector of Saxony. I have set all the spies I could on him in order to ascertain what he is about, and also induced a merchant [of this city] to invite him several times to most splendid banquets where rich wines have not been spared, but neither have I nor has the said merchant been able to learn any more about him and his doings, except that he belongs to the household of the duke Frederic [of Saxony], that he was once captain of German infantry in Your Majesty's service, and was present at the capture of the king of France. One evening, according to a plan preconcerted between us, after entertaining him at supper, the merchant said to the German that on account of his ill-fortune in trade he was inclined to retire from business and follow some other pursuit, and asked him whether there was anything to he done in Germany, because, that being the case he would willingly accompany him thither. The German replied that if he Eked to go with him he was sure to get good employment. He was not to suppose because he saw him live economically and without pomp that he was in poor circumstances, on the contrary he had plenty of money, in proof of which he emptied before the merchant a little sack full of angels, it contained about 1,500 of them, and said "This is nothing to what I shall have before I leave this country," and he then asked whether he could assist him in getting bills for that amount in some part of Germany, I believe at Francfort.
The merchant then asked him what sort of employment he was likely to get and where he should have to go, but this the German declined to tell, saying that any indiscretion might cost him his life. Up to the present time, therefore, I have been unable to find out what the German's mission may be, but hope to do so ere long by means of those I have set to watch and spy him. Nor am I more advanced as to the person who is here on behalf, as they say, of the bishop of Mayence (Maintz) save that he has come to intercede for the Cardinal. He is to leave next week and to take with him several horses he has bought, besides two which the King-has presented to his master.
The said two agents of the duke of Saxony and Monseigneur of Mayence have not had, that I am aware, much communication together, at least in public; whether they have or have not seen each other in private is more than I can say. That of the Duke appears always suitably dressed at Court, but on leaving it changes his clothes immediately. That of Nuremberg, whose name is Laurence Sçavre (?), is the King's pensioner and has, as I am told, already ended his business here (fn. 8) and is to return to Germany with the others. Whilst conversing yesterday with Brian Tuke I inquired about these Germans and others, and he told me that some of them had come to England, sent by one who had always written against Luther, and that he could shew me the letters the King had received from that individual, accompanied by a geographical chart. I told him that my inquiry referred not to the one who arrived about eight days ago, but to the others. (fn. 9) His reply was that they had all come on private business of their own and did not meddle with politics at all; of that he was quite certain. Afterwards he said, "I do not always attend Council, and therefore something might have happened there of which I am not aware," which observation left me in greater perplexity than before.
The same Brian Tuke, speaking of what had taken place in Paris with regard to the affair now pending between the King and Queen, told me openly that it was true the French wished no relations of any sort to exist between Your Majesty and the King, his master, but said no more on the subject. He also told me that the King had determined to take the management of his own affairs and had appointed several councillors in order not to be without a Council when the duke of Norfolk, the Chancellor, and others are detained here by their official duties (aux afferes de la justice) and cannot attend on him in his excursions to the country. He has, therefore, caused Parliament to pass an Act to the effect that in the absence of the other [councillors] the President of his Privy Council residing next his person shall possess the same power and authority as the Chancellor, the Lord High Treasurer of England, and the other officers of justice. To this office of President of his Privy Council the duke of Norfolk has been appointed.
A lapidary arrived here yesterday, sent by Madame [of the Low Countries], to inspect the "fleur de lis ' and see of how many precious stones it is composed; which he can do when the jewel is shewn to him, without appearing to have any special intention; (fn. 10) but if the King continues in the same mind as when I last wrote to Your Majesty, namely, to send it by a trusty agent, well packed and sealed, there will be no necessity for having it closely examined here; that must and will be done by the persons whom Your Majesty shall appoint to receive it.
One of those whom I had set to watch the agent of the duke of Saxony (Frederic), has just come to assure me, as a fact which could be positively authenticated, that the said agent, accompanied by Laurence Sçavre of Nuremberg, has spent the greater part of this morning with the Chancellor, and that after they had been together for some time, the Chancellor had sent for some German merchants to treat with them about the commission they would take for transmitting to Francfort a sum of money which the King was about to give to the said agent. The sum was not named, and they were only asked what rate of interest they would demand. The merchants came, but no arrangement was made, both owing to a difference as to the commission, and also because the money was not promised immediately, but three or four days after. The said agent, though it has repeatedly been said to me that he would terminate his affairs in two or three days, has always pretended that he was to reside long in this country, but in reality unless the difficulty concerning the bills of exchange, detains him, (fn. 11) he will go away this evening. Having once said that he would return home through Antwerp, he was by my direction interrogated as to where he was accustomed to lodge at that city, and which road he intended taking this time. Nothing could induce him to say a word about it; neither would he tell his name, nor allow positively that he is in the service of the duke of Saxony, and when asked privately why he did not do as the agent of the bishop of Mayence (Maintz) had done, he would neither avow the fact nor deny it. He, however, has been heard to say that the time was come for people of talent and courage to make their fortunes in Germany, for that Your Majesty shortly intended taking thither a powerful army to chastize and oppress the country, which the princes and Imperial cities could in nowise tolerate or allow; and that if he ever came across people of that description, and willing to serve, he answered for their being well treated and provided for.
I caused the person who told me the above to ask him whether in case of Your Majesty wishing after your coronation to have a king of the Romans nominated of your own choice, there would be any opposition? He grumbled a little at the question, but made no remark except that the affair was not over yet. All this has been related to me by one of the Osterling merchants, who appeared before the Chamberlain (fn. 12) about the exchange business, and who, of course, is dying from fear of being discovered.
Considering the circumstances of this case, I should, were not the agent to depart so suddenly, have written to Madame [Margaret] to have the man stopped and searched at Gravelinghes. Should, however, Your Majesty wish to penetrate further into these mysteries, it may still be done by means of Laurence Sçavre of Nuremberg, who is going along with him.
Your Majesty was pleased to say at my departure [from Barcelona] that I was to remind you of my small personal affairs through Mr. de Granvelle. I have now written to him on the subject to spare Your Majesty the trouble of a longer letter, and I humbly pray Your Majesty graciously to attend to the wants of this embassy. —London, 6th February 1530.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on the same sheet, pp. 8.
12 Feb.258. Martin de Salinas to the King of Bohemia and Hungary.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 230 v..
Was unable to write by the last courier sent by Miçer Andrea [del Burgo] on the 10th inst., owing to his being very much engaged at the time in making by the Emperor's command an inventory of the goods and papers of treasurer Juan de Adurce, his kinsman, who died the other day.
The provost of Balcrique came four or five days ago, not as much enlightened (alumbrado) on the subject of the Diet, as might have been expected; fears are consequently entertained that his mission will be unprofitable. However this may be, after hearing what he had to say, the Emperor has ordered the letters of convocation to be made out, which are to be forwarded, so that His Highness may modify or alter them at pleasure.
The revocation of count Felix [of Werdenberg] does not go by this post owing to the press of general business, but the secretary has already in his hands the Imperial decree, and the letters of recovation shall be made out and sent immediately.
Two ambassadors are now being sent to Venice to congratulate that Signory, and to beg that they will send some one to represent them at the Emperor's coronation. (fn. 13) These are Mons. de Currieres, (fn. 14) the steward, and Prothonotary Carachulo (Caracciolo), besides Rodrigo Niño, who is to remain there (in Venice) as resident ambassador, and has been instructed as to the conduct he is to pursue. Niño (fn. 15) is a perfect gentleman (muy buen cavallero), well trained to business, and willing to take charge of His Highness' private affairs with the Signory He ought to be written to on the subject, but as he is not a Latin scholar, letters to him had better be written in the Castillian language. For any secret business that he may have to transact, he will make use of a cipher and deciphering key which have been placed at his disposal, of which copies are here enclosed. (fn. 16)
Don Antonio de Mendoça, once Imperial ambassador at His Highness' Court, has arrived. He comes to visit the Emperor in the name of the Empress (Isabella), and to say that she and the infants are doing well.
His Majesty is hastening the preparations for his coronation, which is to take place, if possible, on St. Mathias' Day. He is to start [for Germany] on the 1st of March. It may be that unforeseen events may hinder his departure on that day, but at any rate the letters [for the convocation of the Diet are already in His Highness' hands, and nothing can now prevent this his fixed purpose.
The Emperor writes to that effect in his own hand.—Bologna, 12th February 1530, at the four hours of the night.
Addressed: "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.
16 Feb.259. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac.d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 231, v..
His Highness' letters of the 15th inst. from Prague came duly to hand, and on the very day of their arrival Miçer Andrea [del Burgo] and he (Salinas) went to communicate their contents to His Imperial Majesty.
The modifications and changes to be introduced in the letters of convocation came too late, for previous to the arrival of the provost [of Waldkirk), the letters had been made out and sent.
The Emperor was likewise duly informed of the late disturbances in Germany as advised by Monseñor de Trent (Clesi).
With regard to the 3,000 Spanish infantry nothing new has occurred likely to change the Emperor's determination. It is decided that His Imperial Majesty will take with him 2,000 of them. If His Highness wishes it, 1,000 Italians may be added to that number, but let the answer come quickly, for such is the haste with which the preparations for the Emperor's journey are being made, that it might come too late.
The letters for the queen of France (Eleonor), shall be forwarded [to Spain] by the first messenger.
Upon the arrival of Nicolas Trabot mestorf (fn. 17) with his commission about the ordnance His Highness' commands shall be punctually executed, His Imperial Majesty having already given his orders to that effect.
The preparations for the coronation go on briskly, the day fixed for it being that of Saint Mathias. On Tuesday the 1st [of March], the Emperor will take his second crown here in the chapel of the palace without ceremony.—Bologna, 16th February 1530.
Addressed: "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 1¼.
17 Feb.260. Chevalier de Balbi to the Emperor.
Lanz. Corresp. d.
Kays. I., p. 379.
Was obliged, when almost on the frontiers of Persia, to retrace his steps from fear of the Turks who guard the passes. Attempted then to cross the desert to La Baserre (Basra); but found the road too long and impracticable in his present state of health. God, however, has inspired him for the Emperor's service, for he has lately made the acquaintance of a Venetian gentleman, Andrea Morezin (Morosini) (fn. 18) by name, who has kindly procured him some trusty guides knowing the country well. Hopes to be at the Court of the Sophi in about a month. Will take his departure on the 26th in company with the English gentleman, who, after he is gone, will report on the doings of the Sophi, and any other thing that may interest His Imperial Majesty.
The said Morezin, whose acquaintance he (Balbi) has made in Syria, is a very learned man (est plein de gran sçavoir) well disposed to do service, and knows the principal people of this country. Having had a conversation with him as to his future services, he has answered that he has already placed his head in danger by giving him (Balbi) advice, and that, if it were known that he had procured him the means of going to Persia, he would certainly lose his life through it, and yet, that he is determined to risk everything for Your Majesty's service. Begs to recommend him, for as soon as he (Morosini) gets an answer to his letters he will certainly undertake some great exploit to the Turk's disadvantage, being, as he (Balbi) knows him to be, very intimate with one of the principal bashaws of this country.—Aleppo, 17th February 1530.
Signed: "Chevallier de Balbi."
French. p. 1.
19 Feb.261.Cardinal Colonna to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,454,
f. 139.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 361.
Has heard of the Emperor's determination to be crowned at Bologna.
In the state in which this kingdom [of Naples] is 800 men-at-arms and 500 light horse ordinary, might be supported, but no more. Infantry, in however small numbers, would not be tolerated [by the inhabitants], and would find no provisions. That the kingdom may not remain entirely without Spanish infantry, he (Colonna) can only recommend the expedient he has pointed out on former occasions, namely, to remove the inhabitants from Barletta, Monopoli, Trani, and from a few more towns and villages in Calabria, and make them settle somewhere else in the kingdom. This done, those towns might be repeopled by 3,000 Spaniards, as the Romans of old used to do, giving the new settlers the houses and property of the absentees. That frontier would thus be effectually guarded without any cost to His Imperial Majesty, as then the Spaniards would require no pay, except in times of extreme necessity.
Spanish. Original. p. 1.
19 Feb.262. Martin de Salinas to Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hungary.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 232.
On Thursday, the 17th inst., His Highness' letters, dated Prague, the 9th, came to hand, as likewise others from Mos. de Trent (Clesi), giving a detailed account of late events in Germany, which have caused considerable anxiety in the minds of all, so much so, that the Emperor has decided on starting almost immediately. His journey has been delayed from various causes, principally from his wish to settle definitively these Italian affairs, being unwilling to leave anything behind that may give future trouble.
The Emperor's intention was, as stated in a former despatch, to start for Germany on the 1st of March. Everything is ready for his coronation; only His Highness' answer to the Imperial letters, asking whether it would not be better for him to have the ceremony suspended, and take his crown somewhere in Germany has not come. Should the said answer arrive in time the Emperor has decided to start before St. Mathias, which is the day fixed for the ceremony.
His Highness' answer is also awaited respecting the 3,000 infantry, because His Imperial Majesty can only dispose just now of 2,000 Spaniards, and the remainder must be made up of Italians. Nor can this force be dispatched as quickly, nor by the road which His Highness points out, for it is not quite certain that the Venetians will allow them to march through their territory. Besides, the Emperor must needs take an escort when he leaves Italy; were they to be sent on before him not much time would be gained. The Emperor, therefore, will take them as far as Yspruc (Innsbruck), and, once there, they will go down the river, as Mos. de Trent recommends. They are to be paid by the Emperor to the end of March, which is just the time when His Highness wants them most. The captains and officers to be men of experience, and their commander-in-chief one well fit for a German campaign, who enjoys a good military reputation and is loved by the men. The appointment of this latter is entirely left to His Highness' judgment. He (Salinas) knows one possessing the above qualifications, namely, Don Pedro Velez de Guevara, who, after Antonio de Leyva and Alarcon, is perhaps the only captain fit for the command of such an expedition, as he has seen much service and is considered a good soldier. Many there are here who would be glad to get the appointment, but none deserve it better than he does.
The Emperor has received letters from his ambassadors in France, advising that the King is desirous of keeping the terms of the peace, which intelligence cannot fail to be highly favourable for the settlement of affairs both in Italy and Germany.—Bologna, 19th February 1530, at the 21 hours.
Addressed: "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 1¼.
20 Feb.263. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 233.
Since closing his letter of yesterday, a final agreement has been entered into with the Pope for the payment of the 40,000 crs. in the following manner: 10,000 in bills of exchange, payable at the Lyons fair at Easter; 10,000 crs. more in bills on Milan and Venice, namely, 5,000 on the former place, some at six days after sight, and some at 12. Juan de Mercado, the treasurer, to cash the bills and keep the money at Your Highness' order; 5,000 more on Venice 10 days after sight; the other 2,000 having already been paid in specie. The 20,000 crs. remaining will be paid here at Rome.—Bologna, 20th February 1530.
Addressed: "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft. p. 1.


1 "El primer asalto suyo fué fingir que avia echo un caso adonde si fuese tomado le harian quartos, y para guarecerse de esta pena, convocó unas monjas para que por reparo de su persona le acogiesen en el monesterio secretamente, y las pobres moujas creyendo su relacion, ó avìendo gana de su conversacion, acogieronle en lo mas secreto de su aposento, adonde se dió tan buena maña que empreñó las xiiii dellas; y porque á una vieja no quiso complazer, fué descubierto el misterio, y asi le fué forçado huir del monesterio. Las Comunidades començaron en esta sazon, en las quales se ocupó muy lagamente, y asi fué forçado que se fuese en Françia."
2 The one entitled: De causa (matrimonii serenissimi) Regis Angliæ liber, Joanne Roffensi Episcopo auctore. Compluti (Alcalá de Henares) apud Michaelem de Eguia, mense Augusti, anno 1530. The editor says in his preface that it was printed at the request of the archbishop of Toledo, Alfonso de Fonseca.
3 This captain Rangon, or Rangone, as the Italian historians of the time call him, was no other than Rincon (Alonso de), a gentleman of Medina del Campo, who having taken the popular side in the War of the Commons or "Comunidades de Castilla," in 1521-2, was obliged to fly and take refuge in France.
4 No doubt Dr. Pedro Garay.
5 "La practique bien desmelé ne pourroit estre plus advantageuse pour eux, mays elle si n'est sans gros dangier de demourer impossible, et d'irriter ceux que ont le credit et maniement, aux quieux y va la vie."
6 Et au lieu d'icelle yl en donnerat une autre que serat des archevesques du dit Yorc.
7 "Luy desclayrast comme la ditte dame, sa niepce, avoit este bien corrossee centre le dit Maystre Rossel, si avoit elle [este] aussy contre luy mesme pour autant qu'il n'avoit fait contre le dit Cardinal tout son pis qu'il eust peu, et de ce avoit clle fayt plusieurs douleances."
8 "Celui de Norembert nommé Laurent Sçavre, pensionnaire du Roy, est despeche a ce que l'on m'a dit pour s'en aller avec les dite gens."
9 "Parlant hier a Brianturk nous entrasmes en propose des dits Allemans. Il me dit une foys qu'ilz estoint venus quelcungs d'eux de la part d'ung qu'avoit tojours escrit contre Luther, et qu'il me monstreroit les lettres que le Roy en avoit reçeu avec une carte de cosmographie; je luy dis que ne parles de cestuy, qn'estoit selluement arrive puys huyt jours, mais des autres."
10 "Pour recognoystre les pieces de la fleur de lys, il assisterat quand on la luy monstrerat, et la pourrat visiter sans autre semblant."
11 "Bien qu'il se disse que dans deux ou troys jours il se delivreroit, le dit homme a tojours fainet de sejourner icy plus longuement, mays resoluement si la difficulte du change qu'il veult avoer ne le detient, il partirat ce soer."
12 The Chancellor? See above p. 452.
13 According to Vianoli, Historia Veneta, Venetia, MDCLXXXIV., vol. ii., p. 148, the Signory sent to Bologna on this occasion four ambassadors, whose names were Marco Dandolo, Luigi Gradenigo, Luigi Mocenigo, and Lorenzo Bragadino. Two more, Antonio Suriano and Niccolo Tiepolo, the former to replace Gasparo Contarini, and to reside at the papal court; the other to attend the Emperor wherever he went.
14 Philippe de Montmorency, sieur de Courrières, about whom see vol. iv., part 2., Carachulo is no other than Prothonotary Marino Caracciolo, often mentioned in these pages as ambassador to the Signory in 1525-6, and subsequently Chancellor and High Justice in the duchy of Milan.
15 Niño was descended from Pero Niño, first count of Buelna, the chivalrous and highly celebrated freebooter who visited the ports of England and France in the 15th century, and whose chronicle, written by Gutierre Diez de Gamez, his "alferez," or standard bearer, was published at Madrid, 1782, 4to.
16 I am not aware of Salinas' despatches being preserved anywhere in Austria. The abstracts are from his own copybook, which by some singular circumstance is to be found in Spain in the Archives of the Royal Academy of History.
17 Thus in the original copybook, which, as stated elsewhere, is preserved in Spain.
18 There is an historian of this name who is said to have flourished between 1558 and 1618, and who may perhaps have been the son of the Venetian here named.