February 1530, 1-28


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'Spain: February 1530, 1-28', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 458-472. URL: Date accessed: 17 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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February 1530, 1-28

21 Feb.264. The Emperor to Praët.
S. E. L. 1,454,
f. 138.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 362.
Your letters of the 4th, 7th, and 9th, have been duly received, as well as those of De Barres, your colleague in the embassy. We are glad to hear that the king of France and his mother are doing all they can to fulfil the terms and conditions of the peace. However, as the liberation of the King's sons could not possibly take place within the period fixed, you (Praët) have done well to prorogue the term. If you still think that a few more days are required, let it be so; but bear in mind that We wish it to take place as soon as possible.
Respecting the spot at which the liberation of the hostages is to take place, as the king of France and his mother have no objection to its being effected in the neighbourhood of Fuentarrabia, and are actually sending the money to Bayonne; as the Grand Master of France and the Archbishop of Bordeaux are also going to that frontier for the purpose of choosing a convenient spot, We have no remarks to offer. Letters to this effect have been written to the Constable of Castille (Don Pedro de Velasco) and to Vasco de Acuña, who is to accompany him; and We have no doubt that a convenient spot, agreeable to both parties, will be found whereat the said delivery may take place.
Though proper powers in Spanish had already been made out for the Constable, two more have been drawn out in Latin, similar in all points to the first. In one of these the Constable and you (Praët) are named conjointly, and in the other you two and Laxao (Lachaulx), in case he should attend, though in the last letter received from him he says he was still only convalescent at Salines (Salinas), unable to travel yet.
Respecting the lands and towns to be restored, Messieurs de Tarbes and de Moret had already spoken to us, and We gave them the enclosed answer, which was likewise communicated to our aunt of Flanders. There can, therefore, be no difficulty, since the term for the liberation has been prorogued, to have all the lands and towns [in Burgundy or Flanders] mutually restored.
With regard to the "fleur de lis" the answer given by you (Praët) agrees with that which We gave some time ago through our ambassador at the court of England (Chapuys). It is just that those who have it in pawn should return it according to inventory.
We approve of your sending to our aunt of Flanders [Margaret] a copy of all the inventories, deeds, obligations, contracts, and so forth, entered into with England, that she may have them examined and collated with the copies she has by her, and likewise have the angels turned into crowns (escudos).
Help in money to be received from Venice.
Galleon captured by Doria.
No news of the 14 [French] galleys which according to stipulation are to be delivered (deliberar) in the port of Genoa on the 15th inst.; but Commander Francisco Icar (Ycart) and our ambassador, Figueroa, have received orders to take charge of them as soon as they arrive.
With regard to the succession of our cousin, Mons. de Bourbon, We are not at all satisfied with the answer those councillors have given you, as We apprehend that the King's sons, once liberated, the fulfilment of the clause relating to the Constable's inheritance may be indefinitely postponed. We have, therefore, declared to Mess. de Terbes (sic) and de Moret (Charles de Soliers, sieur de la Morette) that We understand that this affair is to be completely settled before the liberation of the sons of France takes place, and have written to the officer (oficial) of Besançon and to the Sieur de la Trullera (Troullière ?) to insist upon it.
The same may be said respecting the Genoese. Until their claims be settled it would be unwise to proceed to the liberation of the princes, thus leaving a gate open for future disagreement and contention. You will confer with the Grand Master of France (Anne de Montmorency) and the rest of the councillors, and persuade them to have this and other affairs of minor importance settled, so that the liberation of the princes may be accomplished without delay.
Act of renunciation by Francis of his right to Milan, Naples, and Asti.
Quittance of 300,000 for the dower of the Queen.
Your efforts in procuring the writings of the Parisian theologians in favour of our aunt, queen Katharine of England, are very commendable and agreeable to us. We are informed that the President objects to their being put into the hands of Dr. Garay; (fn. 1) but you must persist in your demand, and when delivered to the Doctor, as we have no doubt they will be, remit them to us by express messenger, that We may have the same by us, and use them, if necessary.
We have nothing to observe respecting the receipt which the king of France wants for the 100,000 crs. which are to be paid to our aunt. (fn. 2) We have written to her to have it prepared in due form, and let us know what is to be done with the money when we receive it.
Respecting Mons. de Beodosnaes, (fn. 3) who you say, has been advised personally to treat with the king of France respecting certain lands which he and his mother possess in our lower Germany, you did very well in informing our aunt thereof. We now write to her to look into this affair, and see that the claim, if just, be settled without detriment to our interests.—Bologna, 21st February 1530.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 6.
22 Feb.265. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
c. 226, No. 18.
Ever since the date of my last despatch the French ambassadors have been straining every nerve to get the rich "fleur de lis" into their own hands, even giving the members of the Privy Council to understand that I consented to its surrender. Of the accuracy of this statement the said councillors being somewhat incredulous, they sent eight days ago to request my presence at Monsgr. de Norfolk's house, where they and the French ambassadors were assembled. On my arrival there I was pressingly solicited by the latter to consent that the jewel should be given into their keeping, in which request they were supported by the councillors there present, although it was evident that the latter only did this to satisfy the ambassadors and get rid of their importunities. I stated the steps which had been taken in this matter, as well as the proposition I had made, which had been approved by Mr. de Bayonne and was in strict conformity with the treaty; I added that the King had twice assured me that the jewel should be sent by one of his own people, as I have already informed Your Majesty. To this statement of mine the ambassadors had no reply to make, except that the gentleman whom the King had appointed to convey the "fleur de lis" had fallen ill. I made no comment upon this excuse, not wishing to shew further doubt or over anxiety about the matter, especially as the remedy was near at hand, since there are here many other gentlemen quite capable of undertaking this charge. Besides feeling quite sure that whatever might be said to the contrary the King had not altered his purpose, I made bold to say that I was entirely at the King's bidding in this respect, and would approve of his decision whatever it might be. I cannot say how the ambassadors took this declaration of mine at the time, but certain it is that they have since then shewn satisfaction at my conduct and at the measure adopted, and almost agreed [with me] that their endeavours to get possession of the jewels had been nearly pushed to folly. Yesterday the "fleur de lis" was entrusted to Brian [Sir Francis], a gentleman of the King's chamber, in the manner in which I will presently relate.
Perceiving on the day that I was summoned to the Council that the French ambassadors had brought with them numerous documents and papers concerning the security of the said "fleur de lis," and also the transference (innovation) of the debt, which they wished to communicate to the Council, I took leave at once that they might proceed to work. The duke of Norfolk, however, in spite of the press of business, and the knowledge that nothing is done without him [in the Council], insisted on keeping me company and took me with every mark of attention to see his wife and two married daughters. We walked a long while together, the Duke again alluding as usual to his affection for Your Majesty, and to his earnest desire that the good understanding and friendship between
you and the King, his master, to promote which his brother-in-law had just been sent to the Imperial Court, should be thoroughly established, in the teeth (as he said) of the Cardinal (á la barbe du Cardinal), who had always tried to prejudice the King against Your Majesty, and in the teeth (á la barbe) also of certain princes to whom (he said) this friendship was anything but agreeable.
The key-stone and foundation of which friendship (the Duke observed) was the consent to this marriage, and he hoped that Your Majesty would not be over scrupulous, for the King was so wholly bent upon it that God alone had the power to turn him aside. Several other matters to the same purpose having been discussed, the Duke remarked that he was afraid the ambassadors would not be much pleased at his keeping them so long waiting whilst he was talking with me, and that in order to avoid suspicion he would tell them that we had only been discussing the Queen's affairs. Begged me to make the same statement should I be interrogated on the subject.
Since the arrival of the person sent by Madame [of the Low Countries] to examine the "flour de lis," I have several times tried to gain access to it, that the said person might afterwards examine it carefully and leisurely at his lodgings; but I have hitherto been put off with some excuse or other. At times they told me that it was not in London, and yet I know for certain that it has been for the last three months in the jeweller's hands. Yesterday Monsgr. de Norfolk sent to request me to be present at Court at one o'clock in the afternoon then came another message to say that the audience was postponed till three, begging me not to leave my lodgings as the King intended to send for me; for this purpose Maystre Rossel (Russell) came at two o'clock, but I was met on the way by Monsgr. de Norfolk, who said that the King had waited more than half an hour for me, and that the French ambassadors arriving in the meantime he had been obliged to give them audience.
Immediately after my entering the Royal chamber, the King, who had just been with the ambassadors, advanced towards me and led me to a window, where, after some little talk (quelque petits propos), he asked for news of Your Majesty, saying that he had himself received letters from Bologna of the 27th ult., saying that Florence kept firm; that, notwithstanding the great number of troops encamped before the city, nothing important had been achieved; that it was not, properly speaking, the Pope's business to interfere in an affair of that kind or seek to make war [on the Florentines], and that Your Majesty might have refrained from assisting him for that purpose. Replied that Your Majesty's desire and intention had been to bring about an amicable settlement, [between the Pope and the Florentines] if possible, and if not to compel them to do their duty towards the Pope; that Your Majesty would indeed be perfectly justified in reducing the Florentines to subjection, but that you had far too much clemency to desire anything of the kind and aimed at nothing else but the complete pacification of Italy; and that he (the King) might entirely rely upon the truth of my assertion at our very first interview, namely, that Your Majesty was not seeking any acquisition of territory for yourself but only a peaceful settlement between the contending parties, which was now on the point of being made. The King then observed that all was not yet accomplished, nor even nearly so, and that if Your Majesty had not made more conquests in Italy it was not for want of will, but for lack of power; and that the treaty of peace lately concluded with the Venetians and with the duke of Milan, had been drawn up under compulsion and to your disadvantage. Did not fail to meet these remarks of the King with fitting arguments to the contrary, too long to be repeated here; and my opinion is that he was satisfied with them, for he made no further reply on the subject. (fn. 4)
A short pause ensued and then the enterprise against the Turk was discussed. The King observed that the undertaking was inopportune, for the affairs of Christendom were not yet settled nor in sufficiently good order; what had hitherto been done had no solid foundation, it required more weight and consideration; good faith, charity, and true friendship were scarce in the world; for his own part he had tried the one side and the other, and in both instances had met with plenty of fine words, but no deeds. I then asked him what had occurred since our last interview to cause such a complete change of tone. Had the King any doubt as to the peace [of Cambray] being observed ? if so, I did not think that Your Majesty, or indeed the king of France, had done anything to cause such doubt. The King replied that those who talked of his having made peace with Your Majesty almost did him wrong, for there had been no real war between him and you; he did not fear the non-observance of the treaty on the part of France, but it seemed to him as if things were not yet settled on a sufficiently firm basis to allow of such an enter-prize as that of attacking the Turk, for "peace," he observed, "is not yet established in Italy, and the Emperor has made but little progress in that direction, though I must confess that he never acted more wisely than on this occasion, concluding peace when he did, for otherwise he would never have obtained such good terms." I cannot say whether this allusion of the King was to the peace in Italy or to the other [that of Cambray]; at any rate, my reply was in general terms. I said that, judging from past experience and from the actual state of things, the other contracting parties had quite as much cause for satisfaction in the conclusion of peace as Your Majesty had. After which the King went on to say that were there no other hindrance than the disorder and rebellion now prevailing in Germany, Your Majesty would have enough on his hands without attempting any fresh enterprize. That, in his opinion, was a far more weighty consideration than the affairs of Italy. My answer was that advices recently received from Nuremberg stated that the greater part of Germany was awaiting Your Majesty's arrival in perfect loyalty, and that you could do there exactly as best pleased you. The King owned that he had seen the letter I alluded to, but said it was written by a man who evidently had no knowledge of the general course of affairs; he also had received more recent and more reliable intelligence, and that whatever might be said to the contrary, Buda was not yet retaken [from the Turks], and Your Majesty had not yet made preparations for so mighty an undertaking as the Turkish war. I rejoined that I saw nothing in this to affect the determination he had once declared of joining in and contributing towards the said enterprize, and that certainly the help now going from Germany to the king of Hungary did not look as if affairs in the former country were in so desperate a state as the King had been given to understand, and that he who had succeeded in putting down the fierce contest in Spain (la fureur d' Ispaigne) (fn. 5) would well be able to do the same in Germany. That Your Majesty had not neglected to prepare for the enterprize, by procuring intelligence from Turkey, for which special purpose, some time before my leaving Spain, you had sent a message to the Sophi [of Persia] urging him to march against the Turk, which, after all, would be the greatest help that could be given. On the other hand, I had no doubt that Your Majesty had also applied to the King of Poland and to the duke of Wallachia, both near neighbours and bitter enemies of the Turk, who would make a tremendous effort against that power, provided the other Christian princes also did their duty in this respect, and that it was to be hoped that when Syria saw the Christian princes combining against the Turk, she also would rise in rebellion. I told him more: I said my impression was that the large naval armament which the Turk was preparing, as the King-had lately heard, was rather intended to intimidate Syria than otherwise. (fn. 6) Upon which the King observed: "You have so much to say on this subject that you will convince me that there is still some ground for confidence and hope."
After this the King touched upon the real cause of his displeasure (l'encloure de son mal), which had been manifest enough throughout the preceding conversation. He said that reports had been circulated and published at Your Majesty's (fn. 7) court concerning his proceedings in the Queen's case, which were wholly untrue and had caused him great annoyance; he had, indeed, every reason to be angry, not only against those who had written [from England] as against those who had spread such reports at the Imperial court, and he was very much surprised at Your Majesty allowing anything of the sort "for certainly had I known (he added) that at this my court or in my kingdom any report was being circulated to the Emperor's prejudice, I should have stopped it at once." I replied that in preferring such a grave accusation against the Imperial ministers I naturally concluded at first that I was the person alluded to, as in reality I had written more on the subject of the marriage than anyone else, that being one of my principal duties here in England; but that when I heard him say that the reports were untrue, I was reassured, for I knew that such an observation could not possibly apply to my letters, which had never contained anything that was not absolutely true. The King said he had not alluded to me, if he had he should have said so unreservedly; but that I might very well have unconsciously shared in the mischief caused by such reports, for the letters which the Queen had written to the Pope and to the Emperor had passed through my hands, and had been forwarded by a courier I had dispatched. He believed me when I said that I knew nothing of their contents, besides which he could very well see from the quotations sent to him that the letters were from the Queen herself, in her own style of dictation but still the substance had been confirmed by Mr. de Mingoval in one of his despatches [to Madame Marguerite], at which, as may be supposed, the King was highly displeased.
I tried in every possible way to discover what could be his special ground of complaint, but this the King would not state, although I forcibly represented to him that were I to know the nature of the offence complained of, I might perhaps be able to exculpate those persons whom he suspected. I further told him that I was more surprised than he himself could be at hearing that scandalous reports about his person had been spread at the Imperial court, for of all the courts in Europe that was the one in which the least scandal was admitted as everyone knew Your Majesty's dislike of it. I felt sure that the Queen had not written without his permission, and that Mr. de Mingoval was incapable of making thoughtless reports (n'auroit raporte chose a la voulée). The King did not deny that he had given the Queen permission to write part of what she said in her letters, but not the whole. (fn. 8) He was also much annoyed at Your Majesty thus siding with the Queen in this cause, which in his opinion did not particularly touch Your Majesty, being, as it was, a case of conscience between God and those immediately concerned in it. That his resolution was so firmly taken on this point that it could not possibly be firmer the first authorities in Christendom agreed with him. He hoped, moreover, to have his own opinion confirmed by most of the Christian universities, the only judges in this matter, not the Pope, who would never dare to oppose Your Majesty, and that in Paris only four doctors could be found to hold with the Queen. As to himself, his determination was unalterable, and no living man could ever persuade him to change his opinion or to return to the Queen even if he were to lose everything through persisting in his purpose; it would be wiser of his opponents to try gentle means rather than violent ones, as the latter course would only lead to his acting differently from what he had clone hitherto.
Answered in as conciliatory and flattering terms as possible, that in sending his representatives to Your Majesty he (the King) had no doubt taken the best means of ascertaining the truth and justice of his cause. I was sure that whatever might be the result of this mission he would act as justice and the case required, and that his deputies were sufficiently well informed and able to prove the right if it was on his side; to which the King assented, saying that his ambassadors had been supplied with ample instructions so as to inform both Your Majesty and the Pope of the nature and details of the case, it being worthy of remark that this was the first time that His Holiness was mentioned in the conversation. He ended by begging me to write to the Cardinal, (fn. 9) the Emperor's chancellor, urging him to give up the opposition which he has hitherto shewn in this matter.
As it was now getting late, and it would soon be too dark for Madame's messenger to inspect the " fleur de lis," I asked the King whether his object in sending for me had been to speak on those subjects, or whether I was not justified in thinking that I had been invited to see the . fleur de lis," which lay there in its case on a table, before it was sent away. The King immediately sent for the jeweller and for the French ambassadors, upon which I ventured to ask whether a servant of Madame's now here on other business, but who had formerly seen the jewel, might not be present at the opening of the case, so as to send a report of what he had seen, at which Madame would be greatly pleased. To this the King readily consented. The French ambassadors then produced an inventory given them by Madame [Louise de Savoie], I had mine, and both being confronted, the "fleur de lis" was examined. The number of stones is complete, and the said messenger does not think there is a false one among them, unless it be the smallest emerald of all. Whether the stones are the original ones only those who knew the jewel formerly can tell; but this man thinks that, considering the beauty of the workmanship, it is hardly possible that any change has been made in it. I myself can offer no opinion on this point, because as the King's jeweller kept it nearly three months in his possession, there probably was a good deal of repair wanting, and besides that Monsgr. de Norfolk told me quite lately that the jewel was now worth 10,000 ducats more than formerly, as the King had had some pearls inserted, much finer than the original ones. The King also told me yesterday that the pearls were the only stones which had been touched. (fn. 10) The examination over, the "fleur lis" was again placed in its case, and that was put into a casket and so securely packed and closed that it would be quite impossible to open it without fracture. The King then affixed his own seal to the packet, and desired the French ambassadors and me to do the same. The charge of taking it and placing it in the hands of Your Majesty's commissioners has been entrusted to [Sir Francis] Brian. The French ambassadors in the name of the King, their master, and in virtue of the powers expressly given for the purpose, took all responsibility of risk upon themselves. The King was anxious that Madame's servant and I should make an affidavit to the effect that this was the very identical jewel, without change whatever, which had once been given in pledge. I replied that I firmly believed that the jewel had suffered no injury during the time it had been in the King's possession, but as to the affidavit required, it was not my business, but that of those persons who should be sent to the frontier to receive it.
I remained in the presence chamber from two o'clock in the afternoon to eight in the evening, during which time Monsgr. de Norfolk contrived several opportunities of speaking to me, pointing out, as he has done on other occasions, the great advantage that would accrue to Your Majesty if you would consent to this marriage. The Duke, moreover, seemed much concerned at the news from abroad (de par de lla) to which the King had alluded, strongly blaming, with occasional sighs (non sans soupirs) those who had spread such reports, and advising me in the most friendly way to be very cautious as to what I wrote for then the King, who placed great trust in my discretion, would not conceal many things from me. "In writing home," continued the Duke, "I advise you to observe the utmost discretion, for it often happens that the friendship or enmity of princes is determined by the despatches of their respective ambassadors." He repeated several things which the King had said at our interview, and many more which he himself had told me on former occasions.
Certainly they are leaving no stone unturned in this matter of the marriage, for I hear that the King has just sent the bishop of Lincoln, his confessor, to obtain the seal of the university of Oxonia (Oxford), and Dr. Focq (Fox) and another to obtain that of Canterbrigia (Cambridge) the two universities of this kingdom.
Whilst I was at the King's palace the son of Monsgr. de Rochefort, and brother of the Lady came to greet me. He was exceedingly courteous; he returned from his embassy to France about six or eight days ago, and from what I can hear on all sides does not hesitate to say in public that he has found in France no favourable disposition, either by word or deed, towards the King, his master, or towards this kingdom.
About eight days ago the French ambassadors came to shew me the minute of the discharge (quictance) which they are now drawing up for the king of England, of the sums owing to him by Your Majesty. I sent at once a duplicate of it to M. de Praët by a courier whom these ambassadors were dispatching, that he might have time to examine it thoroughly. I mentioned at the same time a point that struck me then and have since had another conference with the ambassadors and added marginal notes to some of its sentences. The ambassadors were to shew him the whole document again before making a fair copy of it, but I have not heard from them since. It would appear that the "quictance" had been ready for some time, but it had to be drawn again, owing to the ambassadors having' forgotten to insert the first condition of the treaty of peace, namely, the restitution of the "fleur de lis" "and of all the obligations.
The said ambassadors have been during the last few days much engaged with the Privy Council. I cannot hear of their having any other business to transact except that of the securities for the transferred debt (lasseurance du depte noveau) and some private matters concerning ships which have been recently seized here by one side or the other. Some important treaty, however, must be going on between them at this moment, for whilst I was speaking the other day to Johan Jockin, in the King's chamber, Monsgr. de Norfolk brought a large parchment deed with a great gold seal of the arms of France hanging from it, and without saying anything Monsgr. de Norfolk in my very presence cut off the gold seal and returned it to the said Jocquin, himself keeping the deed. I had no opportunity then to inquire into the meaning of this strange proceeding. Hope to learn something about it the first time that I can speak with the Duke.
I was the first to inform the King of the fact that the Venetians and the duke of Milan had come to terms with Your Majesty, and I have already written what the King said on the occasion. The Milanese ambassador confirmed some time after the intelligence at which the King seemed almost displeased, observing that notwithstanding all that, the Venetians would probably soon recover their territory in Pullie (Puglia). The Venetian ambassador was the last to receive the information, and when he did came immediately to tell me. It appears that when the said ambassador communicated the aforesaid intelligence, to the King the latter said that they (the Venetians) had acted with too great precipitation and that they should have secured first the release of the French hostages. Now whether the King said this thinking that the release of the said hostages might be facilitated through their refusing to accept terms, or with the idea that the delivery once effected, the king of France would not only refuse to assist Your Majesty in the war but would perhaps take part with them and re-open all the difficulties, I cannot positively say, but certain it is that one of the two things was meant.
There might have been some envy and malice in what the King said, but my opinion is that the chief cause of annoyance to him is the great success that attends Your Majesty in all matters, and that if things go on as they have begun you Witt soon be quite independent of him for he would rather that you were still in difficulty and needed his help, so as to gain your consent to this marriage.
Two days after the German, of whom I lately wrote to Your Majesty, had set out he returned in haste [to England] and immediately after, having seen the King, set off again. He must have met on the road the letters which the King said he had just received from Germany. Had it not been that any further delay that afternoon would have necessitated the visitation of the "fleur de lis" by candlelight, which is always deceptive, I might perhaps have drawn from the King a good deal more information about the affairs of Germany, for he seemed desirous of communicating it. I cannot yet learn that he (the King) has given the Germans more than 6,000 or 7,000 ducats, which certainly will not enable them to undertake great things.
The Queen has been so glad to hear that her letters to Your Majesty and the Pope had reached their destination, that she has been comparatively calm and indifferent to the King's anger on account of the intelligence he has recently received. Since the arrival of which intelligence, he has given orders that the Queen should be removed to Windsor; he himself remains here in London, and though a short time ago he passed near the place where she was then residing he has not visited her, nor indeed seen her, as I am told, since the Festival of the Kings. The princess remains at Alton, about two leagues from Greenwich. It was reported at one time that the duke of Richmond would come here before the carnival (devant carnevaux), to celebrate his nuptials with his betrothed, a daughter of Monsgr. de Norfolk, but I fancy that they might well delay this for awhile, for they are both very young
The Cardinal received his pardon sealed and signed only four or five days ago. He has shewn [to the World] how thoroughly he knows the way of dealing with this Court, for he has certainly spared neither promises nor presents to gain his end. The King, as I lately informed Your Majesty, leaves him only the revenues of York and a pension of 3,000 "angelots," but does not wish him to give up the titles of his other preferments, because in that case he would have to fill them up again, whereas in this manner he will retain the revenues himself during the Cardinal's life. The duke of Norfolk tells me that he himself obtained the Cardinal's pardon and that he hopes to be able to prevent his coming again into favour, lest he should, as formerly, try to sew discord between the King, his master, and Your Majesty. Many doubt, however, the Duke's power to accomplish this, seeing that the Cardinal has overcome the greatest danger of all, which is that of escaping the first outbreak of the King's anger.
Whilst writing this M. de Langey (Langeais) has been to see me; he says that the gold seal which the duke [of Norfolk] cut off in my presence from the parchment deed and returned to him, was removed in consequence of another deed of precisely the same tenour having been previously given to the King. The first deed, he says, contained some erasures which, owing to the very strict business habits prevailing here, the King considered might lead to some embarrassment in the future, and therefore another one was put into the hands of the King and the former one, no longer of any use, returned. M. de Langey (Langeais) intends taking this deed, the one without the seal, to shew Your Majesty's commissioners that they (the French ambassadors) had been negotiating here [in England] about the indemnity and the arrears in the terms of the treaty of Madrid. He (Langeais) thought also that he should be able to prove that the French had already paid about 900,000 crs. of the said arrears. I can hardly accept this explanation of the cutting off of the seal, for if it had been so, as Langeais represents, Monsgr. de Norfolk would not have kept the deed but given it back seal and all. M. de Langey (Langeais) also excused himself for not having sent me the duplicate of the discharge (quictance) given by the king of England to Your Majesty; he said he had not been able to obtain it from Brian, who was in possession of the original document, but that as soon as he (Langeais) should have arrived at the Court of France, he would send it on to M. de Praët. Some time before he called upon me Langeay had written to me respecting the duplicate of a certain minute since sent to Your Majesty; the alterations and corrections in which were made entirely at my suggestion, though much of what I wanted to be inserted has been omitted. Neither have I yet succeeded in getting a duplicate of the security (l' obligation) given by the French ambassadors for the "fleur de lis," which has been drawn up in the strictest terms. They engage themselves to restore the said "fleur de lis" here in case of the hostages not being given up. They take upon themselves all risks of fire, water, robbers, enemies, or other incidental dangers, and should it suffer injury at the hands of Brian or his servants, or should he lose it on the way, they engage to pay the king of England double the amount for which it was originally pledged, and also to guarantee to Your Majesty any sum, however large, that you may like to fix, and which they undertake to pay; all this being transacted and promised in the name of the king of France.
I have written at greater length than is perhaps necessary; but mistrusting my own inexperience of political affairs, and knowing that Your Majesty, if fully informed, can form a much better idea than I can of these people and their intentions, I have considered it safer to err on the side of prolixity by relating things which may appear superfluous than incur the charge of presumption or negligence.—London, 20th February.
Signed:"Eustace Chapuys"
Since writing the above I have had letters by a courier expressly dispatched by Monsgr. de Praët, telling me to use the greatest caution about the "fleur de lis," and the discharge (quictance). I have written to him detailing all that has passed, and describing most minutely the way in which the jewel was packed and fastened, so that he may at once detect the least sign of its having been tampered with, and I have also written to say that I do not think greater care could have been taken for its security.
The personage (fn. 11) in whose credence Your Majesty has lately written, brought me the letter to-day, and the offers in conformity with the said letter; but they will not listen to them. He has told me that the French are pressing on this business much more comparatively than the parties immediately concerned in it, and that Langey (Langeais) had promised in his presence to obtain the consent of the University of Paris. This said personage can well do service if he will, and without creating suspicion, as he is much considered (tenu) by nearly all of the opposite party. Monsgr. de Norfolk said to me quite lately, as we were talking together about different things that just as he himself had been once considered to be in the Imperial interest so had the said squire (le dit escuier)been reputed to be attached to the French. To whichever side the latter may incline, certain it is that he has always acted loyally towards the Queen. I do not doubt that he will do the same to Your Majesty, and I undertake to keep him in this mood making use of him when required.
I hear that the universities of this country have hitherto refused to give their seals (sceller) for the King. I fear, however, that by dint of persuasion or force they will be in the end led to do so. Should the King have the English and Paris universities in his favour, he will consider the justice of his cause more firmly established than by the opinions of all the rest of the world put together. — London,22nd February. (fn. 12)
Signed:"Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "A sa Maiesté de l'Empereur."
Indorsed: "L'ambassadeur en Angleterre le (22) Feb. 1530."
French. Holograph. pp.
28 Feb.266. Martin de Salinas to the King of Hungary.
M. Re. Ac.d. Hist
c. f.71, f. 233.
As His Highness' answer to the Emperor's letter about his coronation has not yet been received, it seems almost certain that His Imperial Majesty will make up his mind to have the ceremony performed here. On Tuesday he will take his second crown, and on Thursday his third and last. The princes summoned for the ceremony are: —1st, the duke of Savoy (Carlo II.), who is expected on Wednesday, whilst his Duchess remains at Mantua.2nd, the duke of Milan (Fran-cesco Sforza), who is already here. 3rd, the marquis of Monferrara (Bonifazio VI. Paleologo). The duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d'Este) cannot come, because His Holiness has not granted him permission, and the marquis of Mantua (Federigo Gonzaga) refuses on account of a question of precedence between him and that of Monferrara.
Mr. de Trent (Clesi) is expected to-morrow.—Bologna, 28th February 1530.
Addressed; "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original dragt. P.1.
28 Feb.267. The Same to the Same.
M.Re. Ac. d. Hist.
c.71, f. 233. Vo
On the 23rd inst.,the day before His Majesty's coronation, His Highness' letters of the 14th were duly received. On the same day the bishop of Trent arrived, and was received by the Emperor in the handsome manner that he himself will relate.
The order revoking the nomination of count Felix [of Werdenberg] has not yet been made out, owing to the pre parations and bustle of the approaching ceremony; but it will be sent as soon as written and signed, perhaps by the next post.
No news yet from Naples. Sorry not to be able to advise that the money has been paid.—Bologna, 28th February 1530.
P.S.—The Emperor was crowned on the 24th, St. Matthew's Day.
Addressed: "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft. p. 1.


1 "Que el presidente de Paris ha contradicho el ponellos en manos del dicho Garay."
2 " Para cumplir á Madama nuestra tia 100,000 cr. en rebate (rebaja?) de los 12 mil."
3 Guillaume Des Barres, formerly secretary to Mr. de La Chaulx, or Laxao as the Spaniards called him.
4 " Que ce n'estoit bonnement l' office du Pape d'entreprendre telz cas, ne de demmene [r] la guerre, et que votre Majeste se fust bien peu disposse (dispenser) luy assister."
5 The wars of the Commons in Castille at the beginning of Charles' reign.
6 "Et quil falloit ausy esperer que si la Surye une fois aduertye que les princes chrestiens aient conspire centre le dit Turc, qu'elle se insurgira et rebellera; et que croies que les nouvelles quil avoit heu que le Turc faysoit grosse armee par mer, estoit en partie pour envoyer en Surye.
7 "Et me dist que l'on avoit rescrit, rapporte et publie en la court de votre Maieste."
8 " Il ne nya point quil neust permis deserire a la Royne une part de ce quelle a escrit mays non point le totage."
9 Mercurino di Gattinara, who though appointed cardinal by Clement in 1529, was still Grand Chancellor. He died on the 4th of May (1530) at Innsbruck.
10 "Cart le roy y avoit fayt rebouter des pieces de plus grande que n'estoint les premieres, et le mesme des perles. Et le roy me diet hier que l'on n'y avoet riens touche qu'aux perles."
11 As the passage is rather ambiguous, and is besides written in cipher, I here reproduce it, as it stands in the original: "Le personage à la creance du quel il vous a pleu m'envoyer les dernieres lettres, les m'a aujourdhuy deslivrees, avec les offres conformes à ycellcs. Il a remonstre ou yl estoit necessayre, beaucoupt de choses, mays l'on ne veult [riens entendre et m'a dit que les françois sollicitoint plus cest affere sans comparison] que ceux a qui le cas touchoit principallcment [et que Langeay avoit promis en sa presence qu'il feroit avoer les Sçeaulx de l'Université de Paris. Le dit personage] pourra bien servir, s'il veut, et sans suspicion, cart yl est tenue dc pres de tout le monde du party contrayre. Encoures dernierement Monseigneur de Nolpholc me dit, divisant de plusieurs choses, qu'ainsy [qu'il avoit este repputé affectioné, aussy avoit le dit escuier esté tenu françois. Toutesfois quelque partialité qu' il y ait, yl s'est montre en tout et par tout serviteur da la Royne. Il ne doubte qu'il ne le soit de votre maiesté, et je tiendray main de le y entretenir, ayant tosjours bon esgard en ce que sera besoing]."
12 It will be observed that this postscript was written two days after the letter