Spain
June 1530, 10-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1879

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585-604

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'Spain: June 1530, 10-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1: Henry VIII, 1529-1530 (1879), pp. 585-604. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87710 Date accessed: 25 November 2014.


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June 1530, 10-20

14 June.345. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. IIaus
-Hof-u.-Staats Areh.
Wien. Rep. P.
Fasc., c. 226,
No. 28.
I received this morning Your Majesty's letter of the 11th, with the postscript of the 14th ulto. With regard to the execution of the brief mentioned in the Imperial letter, I must say that it came under the King's notice some time ago, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty, but neither the king nor M. de Norfolk (who spoke at first as if he were afraid of it||), nor any other person in their name, has since raised any objection on that point. The only complaints heard are among the people of thin country, who grumble at the execution not having been published here as well as in Flanders, and also because the said brief does not expressly enforce the separation of the Lady (demoiselle) from the King during the trial, which certainly ought to take place according to right and civil Law. Indeed, unless there be a chance of the divorce suit being soon decided, it would be well if Your Majesty would get the Pope to insist on this separation, for the Queen says that if the Lady (demoiselle) could only be kept for one month away from Court, she is quite sure that the King could be brought back into the right path.
"Queu fist auparavant ung peu de leffroye."
I heard from M. de Norfolk that the King intended at first to send Dr. Benoyt (Bennet) to Rome, owing to his being thoroughly acquainted with every part of the cause, in which he had taken an active part from the beginning. The King thought, besides, that in so important a matter as this it was not well to trust entirely to his ambassadors at Rome, how ever able they might be; but M. de Norfolk had persuaded the King to send instead of Dr. Benoyt (Bennet) to reside at Your Majesty's court a gentleman named Arbey (Hervey), and had recommended him for the said mission, owing to his being well acquainted with the French and Flemish languages, besides his being a man of great integrity, incapable of intriguing or lying. This gentleman, until very recently, when it was proposed that he should be sent to Your Majesty, has not been much at Court, but now I hear that his wife (a widow of Huynt filz (Wingfield), who died ambassador in Toledo) came to Court in attendance on the Lady, and from what I have been able to gather on many occasions when this gentle-man has come to visit me, I conclude that he is a strong partizan of the Lady. This gentleman went at the King's command on Whitsun-eve to take leave of the Queen and ask whether it pleased her to send any letters to Your Majesty, and on the following day came to wish me good-bye, as he said he intended to start next morning, which he actually did. He assured me that (although the King had said nothing to him about it) he certainly should not go [to Italy] without seeing (fn. 1) Madame [the Archduchess].
I cannot perceive here at present any indication that the King will allow the cause to be determined at Rome, as the said doctor presumes; on the contrary, quite recently some of the King's councillors have positively stated to me that the King will not consent to it, unless the Pope by some good and remarkable act should assure him that the case will be decided entirely in his favour, and should shew less regard for Your Majesty than he has done hitherto. Should the King consent to refer the case to Rome it must be either because he feels sure that the French universities, on whose opinion he lays much weight, will decide for him, or because he has some sort of promise from the Pope, or otherwise believes that the latter will be glad, as I was told at Windsor, for an opportunity to break with Your Majesty and come round to him; to gain which end I am sure the King will spare no means within his own and his friend's reach.
The King and Queen have kept Whitsuntide at Windsor, but the Princess has not been permitted to go there. The Queen is treated [by the King] as usual; of late she has been rather disappointed and anxious at hearing that the French universities wish to decide against her, (fn. 2) but still she has such confidence in Your Majesty that she can bear all her trials with firmness.
The Queen's case, it must be said, has been most maliciously conducted in France, certainly not without the King's desire and command. I wrote at the time to Maistre Guillaume des Barres, and to the treasurer of Besançon, (fn. 3) Your Majesty's ambassadors in France, requesting them to address strong representations to the King on this head, and I hear they have done so with great diligence and zeal. However, as Your Majesty cannot fail to have full accounts of what is going on there, from the said ambassador, as well as from Dr. Garay, whose letter is herein enclosed, I will say no more on this subject.
I have not been able to see or speak with the Grand Equerry since I last wrote. Dr. Sampson since his return from Italy has only been to see me once, eight days ago; he made many apologies, founded on time and circumstances, for not having come to see me before. Said he would some day explain himself further. I gathered from what he told me in the course of conversation that he would not have ventured to come at all but for the encouragement and advice of M. de Norfolk, (fn. 4) but I firmly believe, whatever may be his offers of service to Your Majesty, that so long as things remain in their present state he will have no great desire to carry them out.—London, 10th June 1530.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph, pp. 3.
14 June.346. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 851, f. 36.
B. M. Add. 28,580,
f. 145.
Wrote on the 7th what had been done up to that date in the affair of the queen of England. This is becoming more serious every day, for the English ambassadors are making great efforts, which may be considered a prelude for greater things. Not only did they hint at Bologna, as I wrote in my last despatch, (fn. 5) that the Pope wished to lose the obedience of England, but they actually threatened that if the Pope did not favour them, or as they call it, disfavoured them, their King would lend the Florentines 10,000 ducats, and even a larger sum if required.
Here, notwithstanding, the suit goes on by contumacy, and now we are to draw up our articles; but these lawyers are much confused, and I, too, at our not receiving any papers from England, and no original deeds, (fn. 6) or attested copies of them from Spain. Yet with all this we proceed and will do our best.
I have made two demands from the Pope: first, that he give us a brief forbidding the university of Paris (fn. 7) or any other to write in this matter as a body (collegialmente). since they cannot be well informed, not having heard the parties; secondly, another brief to enable us to proceed in the cause, notwithstanding the holidays of the first week of July, which is a thing commonly granted in cases of importance. Respecting the former demand, the Pope referred me to Sancti Quatuor; the second I fear will not be granted.
Yesterday Dr. Benet went to the Palace to kiss His Holiness foot; the bishop of London (Stokesley), remains at Bologna, we know not why; it is said to recover from illness, hut this we are afraid is a feint, for we never heard he was ill.
No sooner did I hear that Dr. Benet had left [the Palace], than I myself went and called on the Pope, whom I found very much agitated, in consequence of a long and artful (artificiosa) Latin letter from the King, wherein he complained most bitterly of him, saying that he had not answered his expectations in the least. He had expressed a wish to hear the bishop of London's opinion on the matter, and he (the King) had accordingly sent him to Bologna, yet the Pope would not listen to him. These (the letter said) were not matters to be treated legally (fn. 8) , and if His Holiness only consented to suspend the proceedings till September, he (the King) promised that nothing new should be done there (in England) in the meantime. The King wished to try this means of settling the question at issue, and would endure anything rather than have to complain of His Holiness, for otherwise he would be compelled, much against his wish, to bring forward most serious charges.
Whilst His Holiness was reading the letter to me he stopped at two passages and said: "Verily the King of England has misunderstood me, and put words in my mouth which I never uttered. He writes to say that I desired to know the opinion of the bishop [of London] on this matter of the divorce, and that for that reason, he (the King) sent him to Bologna, but I never expressed such a desire; on the contrary, being importuned by the Bishop at Bologna, to listen to what he had to say, I answered that since the case was soon to be determined by judgment there was no necessity for me to hear him. The other statement, that I promised to prorogue the cause till September, is equally untrue. What I said was, that if His Highness promised not to attempt any innovation, but to leave things as they were, I would try to have the cause prorogued. This I said in the hope that the Emperor and the King being then nearer to each other than I myself was, might settle matters between themselves; I never did promise more." I replied in jest: "We shall see now whether Your Holiness will give me the brief entitling us to proceed during these holidays."
This delay "till September"—alluded to in the King's letter two or three times—made me rather suspicious, inasmuch as in other parts of the same letter only "three months" were mentioned. Thinking that they (the English) might be glad of the delay, in order to concoct in the meantime some future plan, I considered the matter over, and soon came to the conclusion that the King wishes for some reason or other that the delay should last as long as possible, for it appears that in September the holidays end, and that is the reason why they say in the letter three calendar months, which counting from the 1st of July to the end of September, would make just 90 days. The Pope is also of my opinion.
His Holiness told me also to consider whether it would not be advisable to suspend the proceedings (sobreseer), since the King promised not to innovate in the meantime. I answered that I had positive orders from Your Majesty to go on with the suit. That the question of suspending the action had already been discussed in your Council, and that, nevertheless, I had orders to go on, and therefore that until I received instructions from Your Majesty I could not possibly desist. I promised, however, to write home and inform Your Majesty of the whole, but could not help observing that the king of England was trying to make a very hard bargain to secure the Pope's sanction in a cause condemned by God and by common right, and lastly by his own brief. (fn. 9)
Now that Your Majesty knows the ins and outs of this affair we wait for further instructions. Meanwhile I shall begin from to-morrow to solicit permission to proceed during the vacation, and if they refuse it, as I think they will, it would, in my opinion, be advisable to make sure of the game (fn. 10) lest the King should marry in the meantime, because, as I said before, the only way of proceeding is by persuasion, as Your Majesty has always recommended. Such being the case it would be advisable to send the English an answer as soon as possible, because if favourable and coming before the holidays, they will be grateful for it, whereas if it comes after the holidays have begun, it is as if we gave them nothing. However this may be, if I obtain the brief I am asking for, I shall go on with the proceedings until Your Majesty writes to me to stop.
When I said give way (blandear) I meant in that only wherein we cannot do otherwise, because this Dr. Benet (fn. 11) has told His Holiness, as if it came from himself, that it would be desirable for both parties that some expedient should be found of putting an end to this suit, and that His Holiness having inquired what the expedient could be, the doctor answered: that for the sake of the King's honour and reputation it might be advisable to say that the Queen, as she asserts and swears, had never connection with prince Arthur. The cause once being made to take that direction there was no need of dispensation, nor occasion to dispute whether the Pope could dispense or not. I told His Holiness that on the part of Your Majesty and of the Queen there could be no possible objection to the proposal, and that if he (the Pope) chose I would at once put a stop to the suit. It was His Holiness' interest, not ours, to uphold the authority of the Apostolic See, thus disregarded, and yet His Holiness might still approve of the expedient proposed, since after all he still had the power of dispensing notwithstanding what they have said to the contrary. The Pope assented and said he would do this.
He also related to me that Benet had told him that Bollan (Boleyn) knew nothing at all about this negociation, and had since his arrival at Bologna tried to keep him off as he had no doubt seen the wolf's ears.
This is the third version of the affair, and may it be the last, for I recollect very well having written quite a different one to Your Majesty on two previous occasions, just as the Pope had told me the ambassadors had represented matters to him. This last version, I imagine, is the true one, for it is reported that it is the duke of Norfolk's daughter-in-law who is dead, and that Bollan (Boleyn) (fn. 12) wishes to marry his (the Duke's) son to Mistress Anne, which is considered a good thing for both parties; for her, as she cannot marry the King, that she should marry the greatest lord in the realm; and for the King, as he cannot marry her at present, because he will not have so much difficulty in accomplishing his object as he has now that she has hopes of another marriage. All this the Pope only knew from his (Dr. Benet's) having told it him with many other things of a still graver nature.
Yesterday the Auditor of the Chamber (Ghinucci) and Dr. Benet sent for Fr. Felice de Prato and asked him to write in favour of the King, which he refused; neither would he shew them what he had written on our behalf. Cardinal Ravenna tells me that if necessary he will ride post to Home to be employed in this case.—Rome, 14th June 1530.
14 June.347. Cardinal Colonna to Miçer Mai.
S. E. L. 851,
f. 37.
Private affairs of the ex-abbot of Farfa (Napolcone Orsino).
B. M. Add. 28,580,
f. 149.
The English king appears so bent upon this divorce, and is making such efforts to obtain it that he may any day with the assistance of the French oppose the Emperor's interests in Italy and create disturbances.
Italian. Contemporary copy. p. 1.
[15] June.348. The Emperor to the Empress.
S. E. L. 635,
f. 100.
B. M. Add. 28,580.
f. 213.
Wrote by Don Antonio de Fonseca who left this city on the 7th inst., announcing his arrival, &c. Has made a longer stay than he at first meditated, in order to prepare certain business to be laid before the Diet at Augsburg. Has now done so with the co-operation of the most Reverend Cardinal Campeggio, who resides at his court as Legate of His Holiness the Pope, and that of the cardinals Saspuerge (Saltzburg) and Trent, of the dukes of Bavaria, Count Palatine, and others. Will soon take his departure for the latter city, where the electors and princes are already waiting for him.
With regard to France, there is nothing to say, as Mr. de Praët must already have informed her.
Italy at peace, and the Pope re-assured. Only Florence resists still. Finding that it was strongly fortified and defended by a numerous garrison, and that it could not be taken without much loss of blood and the consequent sack and perhaps total destruction of the city, orders have been given for the investment to be made still closer, so as to stop the supplies, and oblige the citizens to capitulate. As, moreover, the investment of Florence does not require so great a force orders have been given for 1,000 Spaniards and as many Italians to proceed at once to Hungary in addition to 1,000 more of the former nation, and of his own body guard who have already been sent thither.
The Turk is not coming down to Germany or Italy this year as has been generally stated for some time. He is, however, making immense preparations both by sea and land, and therefore it is necessary to be on the alert. (fn. 13)
Spanish. Original, pp. 3.
15 June.349. Muxetula to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 849,
f. 46.
B. M. Add. 28,580,
f. 150.
Has received from Grimaldo the 17,500 crs. of the "decimas," 10,000 of which he has immediately forwarded to the Prince [of Orange] by Francesco Valori, (fn. 14) one of the Pope's servants.
News of the Turk communicated by the Pope to his Legate at the Imperial court.
Levies being secretly made in the duchy of Ferrara and in Venice, as it is said, for the relief of Florence. This cannot be, unless the king of France helps them with money. The only person likely to be the winner at this game is Monsieur de Tarbes, who, by making the Pope believe that lie was going to do wonders for the reduction of Florence, has gained his cardinal's hat.
Until now cardinal Colonna has written to Miçer Mai and to me that he would never consent to the marriage of the ex-abbot of Farfa (Napoleone Orsino) with his niece (Claudia Colonna), but now he writes in a very different mood, saying that he was not aware of the many events that have taken place with regard to it. Some even think that the matter is already arranged between them and the marriage made, at which the Pope is anything but pleased.—Rome, 15th June 1530.
Signed: "Jo. Anto. Muscetula."
Addressed: "Sacre Ces.. et Cathee. Majti."
Spanish. Original, pp. 5.
15 June.350. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 851,
f. 34.
B. M. Add. 28,580,
f. 153.
Since the above was written the proctors of the Queen have applied for terms of contumacy (terminos de contumacia) against the king of England, which the judge not only has refused to admit, but has also recalled all those hitherto made by us, on the plea that the Pope had ordered him not to proceed with the cause without first giving him notice. He (the judge) had not borne that circumstance in mind at the time the suit commenced, and that was the reason why he recalled now everything that had been done. It was useless for us to allege that the suspension agreed upon with Gonzaga was on condition that at the expiration of the delay the cause should be resumed, the judge excused himself by saying he knew nothing about that, the Pope had given him certain orders and those he must obey. "You had better apply to the Pope," said he to our solicitors, and so we shall, for I am sure that all this is an intrigue to throw us out till the holidays commence. This is not a hopeful sign for their granting us the commission we are applying for.
To-day, in Chapel, on the eve of Corpus Christi, I told Dr. Benet that I was bound to proceed in this cause, and wished to give him notice thereof that he might, if furnished with a mandate from his master, present it in judgment, for if not I should consider myself free of all responsibility as having done what was right in the matter. I begged to be excused, &c.
Dr. Benet thanked me for my courtesy and said he had no mandate, inasmuch as the King thinking that the cause would not proceed till September, had sent him neither powers, nor the deeds and papers to be presented here [at Rome]. This answer of the Doctor looks to me like a new device (cautela) to induce the Pope not to grant us the commission applied for.
He [Dr. Benet] went further he told me that he wished very much that the cause should come to a good end, and that he had some hopes of it. He had already told the Pope so. I could not (he said) do anything in 20 days' time, and it was far better for me to be generous in a matter which could not be avoided; for two or three terms I might gain by default of the English (contradictas) I would get nothing, save over-irritating the King. Had he (Benet) known at Bologna, (fn. 15) where the mandate and instructions of the King, his master, had reached him, as much as he knows now, he would certainly have applied to Your Majesty, and had he been aware that the ambassador now coming from England had arrived at the Imperial court, he would have written to him by this post, for he considered it for the Queen's interest that the proceedings should be suspended. My answer was that Your Majesty had given frequent orders for proroguing, and that I myself had done the same without consulting Your Majesty or the Queen, but that now I would not dare do it, for it would not be right. I mention these facts that Your Majesty may better decide upon the whole, as I said in my last despatch.
I have also received letters to-day from Don Lope de Soria informing me that he has spoken with Philipo Decio, a great professor at Siena, to whom I once wrote soliciting his vote on our behalf, and that he excuses himself on the plea that he has already been retained by and received money from the English. Nevertheless, having heard what Don Lope had to tell him, he (Decio) promised to reconsider the matter, and so I have written to him again to see if he could do what my host at Bologna, also a very great lawyer (grande hombre), once did, for having carefully studied the matter he undeceived his clients. (fn. 16)
News is being circulated through Rome that the marquis of Montfeirato has broken his collar-bone whilst out riding (moviendo un cavallo), has and has died in consequence. I cannot say whether that fief allows female; I am told it does not, and that the only remaining relative is an uncle, old and infirm, who is not included in the deed of investiture. (fn. 17)
It is also stated that the prince of Bisignano has died without male children. I have sent to inquire from cardinal Sanct Severino who tells me that he has not heard of the Prince's death; on the contrary he had a letter from him on the 5th inst.
I have told the bishop of Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont) that I had received letters of the same day (the 5th) announcing that the delivery of the hostages would take place on the 8th. —Rome, 15th June 1530.
Signed: "Mai."
Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty, the Emperor and King, our Sovereign Lord."
Spanish. Original, pp. 3.
15 June.351. The Same to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 851,
f. 44.
B. M. Add. 28,580,
f. 155.
The death of the High Chancellor (Mercurino di Gattinara) has removed the anxieties of many of the cardinals who aspire to the Pontificate and were afraid of him.
Thanks for the favours bestowed on his brother, abbot Mai. Wonders how Don Diego de Sotomayor dares say of him the things he publishes at Court, for certainly neither he (Mai) nor cardinal d'Osma has done or said anything in the affair except conveying to the Pope the Emperor's messages.— Rome, 15th June 1530.
Signed: "Mai."
Addressed:
Spanish. Original, p.
15 June.352. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 851,
ff. 34-5.
B. M. Add. 28,580
f. 157.
Since my despatches of the 8th or 9th, I am in receipt of letters from cardinal Colonna, informing me that his brother, Julio Colonna, had sent him a deed (aucto) shewing that the marriage between the ex-Abbot of Farfa and his niece (Claudia) could not be prevented. (fn. 18)
(Cipher:) Went to the Pope and told him the news. He was greatly offended, and said the whole of it was done on purpose to annoy him. The ex-Abbot's people were still committing depredations in the territory of the Church, and he himself had threatened to enter Rome. Seeing the Pope's displeasure I naturally asked him whether I could do anything for him in the matter. He made no reply, and went on shewing great concern at the news. I confess that the quality and rank of the Cardinal make this a, very scandalous affair, for though I do not think he does this entirely to annoy the Pope, whose sworn enemy he certainly is, yet he fancies that everyone, and Your Majesty also, may again be in need of his family (the Colonnese). On the other hand, this blockhead of an Abbot is sure to do anything he (the Cardinal) suggests without appearing to take part in it, and as he himself is afraid and envious of the Prince's aggrandizement (grandeza), he naturally tries to increase his own reputation in every possible way, not only for the sake of the pontificate in case of a vacancy, but in every other respect, as he did once when he leagued himself with the French. (fn. 19) By these means the Cardinal perhaps thinks he may gain the respect of Ascanio and other members of his own family, who, as I said in one of my despatches, are not entirely with him at present. Much might be gained by getting the Colonnese and the Orsini to settle their differences and lean to our side; but I am afraid of the chiefs of the respective families. If Your Majesty decide that the proposed marriage alliance do not take place the Pope will be glad, for besides his continual fear at seeing his territory invaded and his land wasted both by the Orsini and the Colonnese, he is afraid that this state of things may encourage the Florentines to further resistance.
I told Your Majesty in one of my despatches that levies were being made at Ferrara and elsewhere for the purpose of helping the Florentines and increasing the garrison of Pisa. After the taking of Empoli the matter subsided a little, but still I hear from Florence that they arc now expecting a message from the Duke (Alfonso d'Este), and certainly the circumstance of his having visited Venice shortly after the arrival at his court of the French ambassador, and these levies of men in his estate, are sufficient symptoms of his being mixed up with some intrigue, though it must be said that on his return from Venice he had edicts promulgated in his capital forbidding levies, &c. Nor is the Pope very sure of the Venetians, notwithstanding all their protestations, because, as is well known, levies are still being made in their territory. He complained of this to their ambassador here, who denied the fact altogether, though he was upon two different occasions heard to say to Tarbes, that after the restitution of the hostages he would tell him things very much to his taste, which statement was afterwards repeated to the Pope by Tarbes himself. What the allusion may be neither His Holiness nor I can guess, unless it be something relating to Florence, where the most Christian King has not behaved so well as he ought, for Malatesta sent word to Mosetula (Muxetula) that it was not he who encouraged the hopes of the Florentines; the encouragement came from a much higher source. Jacopo Sal-viati, however, maintains that if there has been double dealing on the part of the French king, it has been entirely out of fear of not recovering his sons, and that the restitution once effected, he will not harm the undertaking, but help it.
In France is a man of the Vayvod's who has sent here certain letters. It would appear as if the object was to procure the revocation of the act passed in Consistory at Bologna depriving him of his pretended kingdom. The letters were read here in Consistory, at which Miçer Andrea del Burgo was very angry, but we have since agreed to dissemble and make no fuss about it until instructions come from king Ferdinand.
The duke of Milan, I am assured, is consumptive, and cannot live long. This is perhaps the cause of the amicable relations between the Pope and Venice, which become daily closer and closer. I have no doubt that the duchy of Milan and the health of the Duke have something to do with it, for last year, though enemies, they were united on this point.
Luigi Gonzaga has come and placed all his papers in the Pope's hands.
Martin Roman left the other day for Naples.
The duke of Gravina has likewise left for the camp before Florence, for he wishes to come to some agreement (concertarse)with the prince [of Orange]. Bishop of Salamanca and his suit against Santiago. Confirmation of Adrian's bull, &c.— Rome, 14th June 1530.
Signed: "Mai."
Addressed:
Spanish. Original. pp. 6.
15 June.353. Dr. Garay to the Emperor.
P. Arch. Nat.Thanks the Emperor for his letter dated Innsbruck, 7th May. Will execute the Emperor's commands. Wishes he were a more powerful and influential man, then things would certainly not have come to such a pass. The state of the affair is this: perceiving this king's bent, he (Garay) wrote to the ambassador, Bonvalot, (fn. 20) to take measures in order to prevent this Faculty from giving opinion in this matter, knowing that the greater part of the doctors were suborned and had signed the invalidity of the marriage. Notified the same thing to Madame (Margaret). Notwithstanding the diligence of the Imperial ambassadors, the thing could not be helped, and the King has actually ordered by two Royal letters that the question be disputed and determined therein. Many doctors have been summoned to this Council, and the utmost violence and wickedness prevail. Several who were in favour of the Queen are either dead or absent and dare not speak, so that there is not the liberty of action required in a case of such importance. The deliberations began three days ago, and although he (Garay) and the rest of the doctors have taken their oath not to reveal what passes at the conferences, yet he can without breaking it, write to beseech His Majesty to put a remedy to the evil by obtaining from the Pope a brief forbidding under all pains and censures the meeting of these doctors, and excommunicating all those who have signed for the king of England, and who do favour him, of whatever rank and profession they may be, annulling all that has been done, and depriving the delinquent ecclesiastics of their respective benefices. His Holiness has more than sufficient reason to do this, for they all are acting against the usage and practice of the Church for the last thousand years, &c. Has dispatched a messenger to the Queen and to Madame [of the Low Countries], and also to the Imperial ambassador residing in this country, informing them of everything. Has no more to say or advice to give on the subject; but the Emperor may in the meantime set his mind perfectly at ease; all the doctors of this Faculty, who have learning and fear God, are in favour of this truth, and are trying to uphold the same, notwithstanding the violence committed and the means employed against justice, truth, and common reason. They will do all they can that the Faculty may give such solution to the affair dé tal salida á la Empresa, that whilst the King's commands are obeyed the Church [of Christ] may receive no offence thereat, and their honour and reputation may be preserved. Though a rather difficult task to accomplish, he (Garay) trusts in God that the doctors will come honourably out of it.
Had Mr. de Alachaulx (Lachaux), whom may God forgive, attached faith to his (Garay's) words at the beginning nothing of this would have happened, but he is convinced and, indeed, believes as matter of faith that all this happens in favour and for the glory of a princess whom God has endowed with so much sanctity and so many virtues, &c. (fn. 21)
The Pope should long since have compelled the king of England to do his duty. Everyone here is astonished at his tolerating these proceedings, and some go so far as to hint that he has been gained over by the King. May God forbid it, for it would be a great misfortune for the Christian Republic!
Has been told, though he is not sure of the fact, that the King has already been twice admonished to do his duty towards the Queen, and has not only disobeyed, but appealed. Had a third admonition been conveyed to him these disputes might have been shortened; even if he (Garay) had at hand a copy of the second, the same effect might have been produced. Begs that a copy of the brief above alluded to come as quick as possible; it will be of great use in dissolving such meetings (conciliabulos) as these really are, though it is perhaps for the Emperor's honour that they are allowed to exist, that the malice may become manifest. As soon as the deliberations arc at an end, which he presumes will be shortly, shall not fail to acquaint Your Majesty with the result. Out of the 80 doctors who attend this congregation, there are only 10 whose life and learning give any weight to their opinion. Would not give a feather for the rest, for all the world knows their arts and the rogueries (bellaquerias), deceptions, and lies they have practised upon him for the last three months; several he knows are rather fond of money and accustomed to be paid for their opinions.
Should the Emperor wish him (Garay) to be the bearer of his own report, and take it to Rome or elsewhere, let the Imperial ambassador be informed of it, that he may at once start on his journey.—Paris, 15th June 1530.
Signed: "Garay."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 4.
15 June.354. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien. Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 226, No. 29.
Immediately after the dispatch of my last letters of the 10th inst. I received information that the King had written to certain of the prelates and high officials (grans maistres) of this country, desiring them to be present at his court on the 12th inst., (fn. 22) each of them bringing with him his seal of office, and that such as for some sufficient cause could not be present themselves should at least send the said seals of office. On the 12th, which was last Sunday, the greater part of those who had been summoned appeared at Court, where, as I am given to understand, they were most urgently exhorted, as the representatives of one portion of the kingdom, to write conjointly to the Pope, explaining the necessity there was for the King to divorce the Queen and make another marriage, and pointing out also all the evils that would arise if this were not done. The address ended by praying His Holiness, in conformity with the opinion of the most famous universities and most learned men in Christendom, to declare the marriage between the King and Queen illegal, and authorise the King to take another wife, intimating that should His Holiness refuse to grant so just and reasonable a petition the King and his people must seek some other means of redress even if that should involve the summoning of a General Council; this last sentence being added to the document by way of a threat, as if they thought that what the Pope most fears is the calling of a Council of the Church. To give the address greater weight and authority it was to bear the signatures and official seals of all these prelates and gentlemen, and though only those well known to be on the King's side were summoned to the meeting, still they were unable at the time to come to a resolution, and therefore the meeting was adjourned until to-morrow, Corpus Christi Day. Not one of the prelates known to be favourable to the Queen received a summons, nor the Chancellor either, whom they suspect. I have been told that last Sunday, when this affair of the marriage was being discussed, it was asked why the King should not (having obtained the opinion of so many competent judges on this matter) marry at once, without awaiting any further approval of his conduct, especially as he had cause to be suspicious of the Pope. But few were found to support such an extravagant motion as this, or speak against it, until one of the King's chief favourites, fearing lest he should adhere to the proposal, and be persuaded to carry out his purpose, threw himself down on his knees and implored the King to take into consideration the slight symptoms of disaffection (les petites esmotions) appearing in many parts of the kingdom, and the inclination of the people, which the slightest provocation might kindle into a flame, and that if he was determined to make this marriage without awaiting the definitive judgment of the Church, that he should at least delay it until winter, when the general excitement might have somewhat subsided. Here the question remains for the present.
On this same Sunday the Queen spoke for some time with the King, exhorting him to be again to her a good prince and husband, and to quit the evil life he was leading and the bad example he was setting, and that even if he would shew no regard for her, who was, as he well knew, his true and lawful wife, that he should at least respect God and his conscience, and no longer ignore the brief which had been executed in Flanders. The King, after many words and much commendation of those who had written in his favour, said that the brief was of very little consequence, and that even if it were he should not heed it much, because the Pope was compelled to act as the Emperor wished, and with that the King left the room abruptly without saying another word.
The Queen has since sent to ask me whether the said brief should be presented to the King. My answer has been that I think it expedient to do so, as he can then no longer allege ignorance of it, and we shall be able to obtain a last monition of excommunication (reaggravatoyre) against him. I believe this will be done to-morrow. (fn. 23)
I wrote lately to Your Majesty that if the Lady [Anne] could only be kept away from Court for a little while, the Queen might still regain her influence over the King, for he does not seem to bear any ill-will towards her. Quite lately he sent her some cloth begging her to have it made into shirts for him. The Lady, hearing of this, sent for the person who had taken the cloth—one of the principal gentlemen of the bedchamber—and although the King himself confessed that the cloth had been taken to the Queen by his order, she abused the bearer in the King's very presence, threatening that she would have him punished severely. Indeed, there is a talk, as I am told, of dismissing, to please the Lady, some of the officers of the Royal Household, and if so, the said gentleman will not be the last, for some time back the wife of the young Marquis (of Dorset ?) and two other ladies, most devoted to the Queen, (fn. 24) and in whom she found more comfort and consolation than in any others, were, at her request, dismissed from Court and sent home.
I have received to-day letters from Paris from Dr. Garay of the 8th inst., in which he says that the king of France had issued a warrant commanding the university of Paris to come to a determination on the divorce affair, but that the University after having met several times in consultation, replied on the 7th instant that as the case was already in the Pope's hands to determine, it did not become them to meddle with it. In spite of this, Dr. Garay says he fears that the King will give the doctors no peace until they have declared in favour of the divorce, unless Your Majesty can obtain in the meantime from the Pope the brief about which Dr. Garay wrote recently in the letter that went with my last despatch, or the king of France be otherwise induced to desist from these practices. This, however, must be done at once, for according to Garay the pressure from here is considerable. He also writes to me that, following my advice, he has acquainted the Imperial ambassador in France with all these particulars. I have no doubt that he will do his duty, as he always has done, and yet should he get a special charge from Your Majesty he might speak more boldly and openly on the subject. (fn. 25) The affair, in short, is well worth Your Majesty's attention.
Whilst writing the above I have received a letter from the Cardinal's physician, in which he tells me in rather obscure terms (assez obscuremant) that his master, not knowing exactly the state of the Queen's affairs, cannot give any special advice upon them ; that if he could get fuller information he would give counsel and directions as though Paradise were to be gained through it, for his happiness, honour, and repose depended on that, and that it seemed to him that now was the time to take stronger measures and call in the assistance of the secular arm, since so little nerve was shewn [on the other side]. (fn. 26) The physician did not further explain the Cardinal's meaning, and, therefore, I am at a loss how to interpret his message and wishes. He also said that the Lady and her party did not at all regret the delay in the proceedings, as it gave them time to carry out their plans and push on the affair, which they do daily hoping that as time goes on both Your Majesty and the Queen will be wearied out.
All these things considered, it seems as if Your Majesty ought to have matters brought to a crisis at once (abbreger l affere) the best means towards which, as I have very lately pointed out, would be the removal of the said Lady from the Court; in which opinion the Cardinal also coincides, saying that when that is accomplished, the management of the affairs may be left to those who know best how to act, by which he means himself. (fn. 27)
It would seem as if the Pope could hardly refuse to enforce so reasonable a measure, as the removal of the Lady from Court, for right and justice require it, whereas the scandal and bad example given., and the King's disobedience to Papal authority fully recommend it. The best way would be that the Pope instead of the declaration of pains and penalties to be incurred by the King, as in the said brief, should issue an order to that effect confirming the former censures, and declaring the King to have fallen under the penalties contained in the brief.
The Queen has not heard from Rome for a long time; she is expecting daily the return of the courier I sent in April; but, nevertheless, I fancy she will dispatch another one express in three days to acquaint Messire Mai with what is going on. I hear, that the King has just received letters from Rome, which I think have been the cause of his urging the above-mentioned letter (fn. 28) to be written.
The Queen sent me word yesterday to say that she intended writing to Your Majesty by the next courier, but in consequence of the said letters received from Paris, and seeing the urgency of affairs, I have thought better not to lose the present opportunity tunity, and therefore send this off in all haste.—London 15th June 1530.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England, 15th June Received the 28th."
French. Holograph. Pp. 4.
18 June.355. Rodrigo Niño to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,308,
f 59.
B. M. Add. 28,580.
f. 165.
Wrote on the 25th ulto, 2nd, 10th, and 12th inst. Enclosed also one from Pedro Cravelluzo, who has since gone to Rome to communicate to His Holiness the news he brings from Turkey. It appears that, being at Constantinople, the said Cravelluzo heard that the king of France had sent to the Vayvod and to the Turk a Spaniard of the name of Rincon, requesting them to make war on the Emperor, and promising to bear all the cost of it. To ensure success he (the King) had given refuge in France to all the Neapolitan and Sicilian emigrants (fuo-rusciti). After negociating through Luigi Gritti, Rincon had returned to France, where he is at present. This traitor, Rincon, who is reported to have been the same who took to Constantinople the plan (dissino) of Brindisi and its castles, is a native of Medina del Campo ; he was concerned in the wars of the Commons (Comunidades) and then fled to France. He ought to be watched and captured on his leaving that country ; this might easily be done through one of his own countrymen acting as a spy upon him.
The same informer says, that according to letters from Constantinople lately received, Luigi Gritti was to be soon appointed general (capitan de ventura) with the command of a large fleet to invade the coasts of Sicily and Naples.—Venice, 18th June 1530.
Signed: "Rodrigo Niño."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
20 June.356. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 851,
ff. 47-9.
B. M. Add.28,580,
f. 167.
Alludes to his conversation with the French ambassador on the eve of Corpus Christi, and then continues:—
The day after, at mass, Mr. de Tarbes begged his pardon for not having told him his secret, as he wanted to inform the Pope first. It proved to be after all that the King, his master, had written to Malatesta [Baglione] and to Stephano Colonna, at Florence, and Paolo da Ceri, at Pisa, exhorting them, if they wished to give him pleasure, to desert the Florentines. He gave him (Mai) the letters to read; found from their tenour, as well as from certain contradictions of his, that they were made up and fraudulent, in one word French "finesses."
The said Tarbes has complained to me two or three times that the governor of Asti, Scalenga (Scalengues), intercepts his letters. That cannot be, the letters addressed to him are not touched; only those that go to Florence.
(Cipher:) Among other prisoners lately made by Scalenga was a secretary of Malatesta, who was going to France. This man had two letters of the 2nd and 4th of June from the Florentine ambassador in France to the Signory, which Scalenga sent to the Prince [of Orange] for want of a deciphering key (descifrador). The letters have been brought here, and they have been read. Makes an abstract of their contents. (fn. 29)
Is not at all pleased with the duke of Ferrara and his doings. Told his ambassador so, and begged him to write to his master that he ought to dismiss the Florentine ambassador from his court.
From the duke of Milan no intelligence has been received, except that he is now better and is riding (cavalga) about Cremona. Has written to Caracciolo to be on the alert.
Venice.—Siena, &c.
The ex-abbot of Farfa goes on with his mad tricks (loque-ando) in this neighbourhood of Rome, causing more fear to the Pope than 10 large armies, especially in these later times that he has married, or attempted to do so, a niece of cardinal Colonna without Your Majesty's consent and against the Pope's will. Really thinks it would be to God's service and Your Majesty's if this man were to lose his head.
Siege of Florence.
On the 13th inst. Volterra was stormed without success, owing to a piece of ordnance in the battery of the marquis del Vasto bursting, and three more in that of Marramaldo pointing too low. The breach not being made practicable, the storming party was repulsed, and some officers wounded, amongst them Don Diego Sarmiento, who, some say, has already died of his wounds.
A German soldier named Joachin has come to the Prince, sent, as he says, by Your Majesty. He was first at Padua, and saw Renzo da Ceri, who spoke confidentially with him, and talked over his future plans; he was also at Ferrara and spoke with the Florentine ambassadors, and with Don Lorenço Manuel and the ambassador of the Signory of Venice. On the recommendation of this last-named person he has been able to penetrate into Florence, where he has discovered many secrets. He is still in the midst of these negociations, and although the Prince has not written to the Pope, or to Muxetula or to himself, fancies that Your Majesty will be informed of all this by the said Prince; all we know here is by letters of the governor of Bologna, to whom the said Joachin, as it would appear, has also made certain revelations.
The Pope wanted him to write to Genoa to the ambassador Figueroa, to have Luigi Alamani expelled from that city because, being implicated in the affair of Pisa, he forwards to Florence the correspondence from France and other countries.
The other day the Pope proposed to him to go to Florence to prevent the sack. Declined, telling him that this was no time to quit Rome, owing to the Queen's business and other matters, about which writes to Your Majesty separately—Rome, 20th June 1530.
Signed: "Mai."
Spanish. Original. pp. 8.

Footnotes

1 "Le jour de la dite feste yl me vent ausy dire ladieu pour deslouger lendemain, ce quil a fait, et me asseura quil ne passeroit (combien quil neo eust charge de son maystre) sans alle parler a Madame."
2 "Elle a este Elle ung peu troublee entendant les universites de France vouloer determiner en sa desfaveur."
3 Bonvalot?
4 "Et me sembla a son parler que sans le enhortement et conseyl de Monsieur de Nolphole apayne heust il ouse venir."
5 "See that of page 578, No. 340.
6 "Here is it marginal note in the hand of Covos thus, worded: "The original brief is here, but it is too important to be sent on. If a copy be required one shall be made under the Cardinal's attestation and forwarded."
7 Let them labour to obtain this brief for Paris.
8 "Que esto no habia de andar ni tractar [se] judicialmente."
9 Que ya esto de su sobreseimiento se hablo en consejo de Su Mt. y con ello me mandaron proseguir la causa, y que assi lo haria hasta tener otro mandamiento; pero que lo escribiria á V. Mt. porque lo supiesse todo, y que me parecia que le queria el Rey de Ingleterra vender muy caro su sobreseimiento de cosa reprobada de Dios y por derecho y postreramente por el breve de Su Sd."
10 "Pienso que seria bien en tal caso hazer del juego mañan (maña?) para assegnrarnos que no se case entre tanto el rey; porque, como digo, no ha de mirar esto tanto, sino por tractar este negocio con blandura, como V. Md. siempre ha señalado de quererlo hazer."
11 "Digo esto de blandear en lo que no podriamos excusar, por lo que este Doctor Benet ha dicho a su Santidad platicando en este negocio como de suyo, que seria bien sy se hallase algund medio en esta causa, y que platicandolo su Santidad con el le dixo; que por salvar la honrra del Key, que ya no puede salir con su honrra sino le dan alguna salida, que seria bien dezir que esta señora, como ea lo dize y jura, no fue conoscida de Arturo."
12 "Porque dizen que al duque de Nourforc le es muerta la nuera y que Bollan dessea de casar con su hijo á la Maestressa Anna, y es de creer, porque estaria bien n todos; a ella pues no puede casar con el Rey que casará con el mayor señor del Reyno, y al Rey, que pues no puede casar con ella, no le sera despues tan dificil como le es ngora con la esperanca del [dicho] casamiento, y esto no lo diria [Benet] sino porque el lo dixo, y con otras palabras mayores."
13 "This letter has no date but it must have been written at Innsbruck between the 14th of June and the 15th, when the Emperor made his entry into Augsburg.
14 A Florentine in the Pope's service, who had been obliged to quit that city and take refuge in Rome. A relative of his, Bartholomeo, or Baccio Valori, was at this time Papal commissioner in Chalon's army.
15 "Y que si oy él sup era lo que supo en Boloña donde le alcançaron los poderes é instrucciones de su Rey que él lo in petrara de V. Mt."
16 "Y despues de bien estudiado los desengañó."
17 Boniface VI., son of William or Guglielmo, at this time about 13 years of age, and under the guardianship of his mother Anne, daughter of René'd Alençon. He was succeeded by his uncle Giovan Giorgio, at that time bishop of Casale.
18 A letter to be written to the Cardinal telling him that this marriage cannot possibly, and must, not take p'ace. Marginal note in the hand of Covos.
19 Cardinal Pompeo Colonna had been appointed viceroy of Naples during the absence of the prince of Orange. In 1512 Pompeo had taken the part of the French.
20 A brother-in-law of Granvelle, at this time in charge of the Imperial embassy in France.
21 "Pero tengo por fe que todo sucede en favor y gloria de princesa en quien Dios puso tan a santidad y tantas virtudes." The remainder of the paragraph, which I have not translated, stands thus: "Por cuya justicia y defension bastaria que en tanos tiempos le negase el Rey la cama contra la auctoridad de la Iglesia, no podicudo ser cierto quo estava casado con ella contra ley do Dios, y pues por sola su auctoridad se apartó hechando á su AL. fuera de su possession, sin estar cierto de lo) que digo, el Papa deberia, dias a muchos, costreñire a lo que era obligado."
22 "De se debuoer iceux rendre et representer en sa court."
23 "Et croys que demain yl en sera salue."
24 " Questoint les troys que portoiut plus laffere de la royne."
25 "Que suys seur yl fera tout son debuoer comme yl a fait par cydevant. Toutesfois yl auroit occasion den parler plus hautemant et ouvertemant, ayant sur ce espresse charge de votre maieste. Yl plaira a icelle avoer esgard sur le tout,"
26 "Escrivant ceste jay reçeu lectres du [medecin du cardinal] par les quelles yl maduertyt assez obscuremant que son maystre pour non sçavoer en quel termes sont les afferes de [la royne, il ne sçauroit particulieremant quel conseil donner,] et que en estant informe il y voudroyt donner conseyl et addresse comme ce estoit pour gaignier paradis [car de la deppend son bien, honneur et repoz], et quil lui semble pour raaintenant que lon deburoyt proceder a [plus grandes censures et a la invocacion du bras seculier], cart maintenant yl ny a nul nerf."
27 "Dont le principal et juridicque moyen est de fere [sequestrer de la court la dame]. [En quoy concourt loppinion du dit cardinal], qui dit que puys apres cella estre fayt que lon laisse besongnier a ceux que bien le sçauront fere [cest a entendre a luy mesme].
28 Le roy a eu ses (sic) jours nouvelles du dit Romme que pense ont este cause quil a inste de fere escrire les lectres que dessus," meaning that to the Pope signed by the nobility and prelates.
29 The same already abstracted at pp. 375, 521, and 575.