June 1531, 1-15


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'Spain: June 1531, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2: 1531-1533 (1882), pp. 168-189. URL: Date accessed: 20 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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June 1531, 1-15

2 June.
S. E. L. 1,456,
f. 249.
737. Don Rafael de Como to the Same.
Has answered the Imperial letters dated from Augusta (Augsburg) the 23rd of September, and expressed at the time his readiness to fulfil the commission therein entrusted to him, and of which the Imperial ambassador in Venice (Rodrigo Niño) gave him full cognizance. Sent by the same conveyance his treatise on prædestination and free will, dedicated to His Imperial Majesty. Since then new objections having been raised against the Queen's just cause, he (Como) has composed another new treatise, more full and comprehensive than the first, wherein all the arguments of the opposite party are victoriously answered and refuted. This he has forwarded to the most reverend cardinal Campeggio through his son, the bishop of Bologna, that he may present it to His Majesty. Feeling, however, some sort of shyness at addressing directly so great an Emperor, the said treatise has been entrusted to the beaver, Pietro Rolans Purxelai (Ruccelai?), the Emperor's faithful servant, who lodges next to him at this monastery of Padua.
He (Como) will leave soon for Piacenza, where his superiors have destined him to read philosophy and theology at the convent of Saint Augustine of that city.—Padua, 2nd June 1531.
Signed: "Raphaele da Como, canonico regulare."
Addressed: "Sacro Cesari semper augusto, Orbis Imperatori invictissimo felicissimo."
Italian. Holograph, pp. 2.
4 June.738. Dr. Ortiz to the Same.
S. E. L. 854,
f. 107.
B. M. Add. 28,583,
f. 289.
On the second day of Pentecost, whilst prosecuting as usual the "informacion" in the presence of His Holiness, he told me that Tarbes had actually brought from France a book written in favour of the king of England, and addressed to his master, king Francis. The Pope had not asked to see it, but if he, Ortiz, wished an application should be made that it might be examined and refuted. The truth is that the Pope hates these attempts of the king of England (fn. 1) to escape from his ecclesiastical authority.—Rome, 4th June 1531.
Signed: "El Dr. Ortiz."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 2.
6 June.739. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus
Hof-u,-StaatsArch. Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.
c. 227, No. 25.
On Monday last the Papal Nuncio received letters from Rome informing him of the repeated and importunate applications made by the duke of Albany in order to obtain a suspension (surseance) of the proceedings of the suit between the king and queen of England. Indeed, among other charges entrusted to the cardinal de Grammont, one was to solicit and recommend in the name of his master, the king of France, a complete suspension in the divorce suit, which the Pope thought was a fruitless attempt and loss of time (poyne perdue), since justice must needs have its course. The king of England ought to be told that His Holiness will act most impartially in the case, and give just sentence without injury to either party. There is, therefore, no need whatever of the French king's intervention, for what the Pope did not do for the sake of the king of England himself he would certainly not do for any other prince in the World, not even for the sake of the Most Christian king of France, in whose favour he would do many other things.
The Pope in his despatch to the Nuncio mentioned also the truce concluded between the king of the Romans and the Turk, charging him, nevertheless, to exhort the King to make preparations for next year.
Believing that his visit would be neither agreeable to the King nor profitable to our cause, the Nuncio hesitated at first about going to Court, but at my persuasion went last Tuesday. He was very well received, and after explaining the causes the Pope had had for not granting the delay asked for, as well as the excuses he had made to the cardinal de Grammont upon his return to Rome, the King said that he had been already acquainted with the fact by his ambassadors. After which, and having uttered his usual complaints and recriminations against His Holiness, he said : "The Pope is evidently doing his utmost to retain the cognizance of this affair, but he must not be deceived and lose his time in addressing to me persuasions and remonstrances, for I shall never consent to his being the judge in that affair. Even if His Holiness should do his worst by excommunicating me, and so forth, &c., I shall not mind it, for I care not a fig for all his excommunications. Let him follow his own at Rome, I will do here what I think best." He also said that he had Bent his powers to the Englishman, who had intervened at Rome on behalf of the kingdom, and had no doubt that his interposition would be admitted. On this very subject, and the conversation growing warmer, the King went on to say that if the Pope attempted to act unjustly towards him in the case, or other-wise do him injury, he would certainly retaliate (fn. 2) for with the help of his brother, the king of France, his true and perpetual ally, he would lead an army against Rome.
"After this the King entered on the subject of the Turk, and praised much the resolution taken by the king [of the Romans] of making a truce with him, but as to making any warlike preparations for next year, that, he observed, was no concern of his, but of Your Imperial Majesty and of the Pope. Your Majesty, he said, was powerful enough to attack the Turk without any assistance from him, and as to the Pope, if he wanted money he could easily raise it among those Christian princes with whom he was on good terms, and whose pleasure he did. From him the Pope had nothing to expect, since he had persistently refused all his requests.
In this way the King went on attacking the Pope until, having somewhat mastered his passion, he added: "I take the Pope to be upon the whole a worthy man, but ever since the last wars he has been so awfully afraid of the Emperor that he dares not act against his wishes." Then he added: "Yet as I know him to be a thoroughly good man, and of great natural tact (a la bonne addresse des choses), I will send him a newly printed book on condition that he will not shew it to any living soul for some time to come. In this manner will I try to make him lean to the side of justice." Thus saying he (the King) handed over to the Nuncio a work of which I myself had procured a copy the day before, notwithstanding all the King's precaution and care. I have sent it to Mons. de Granvelle that he may look it over, and then forward it to Miçer Mai (sic) and to Doctor Ortiz at Rome, that both may be on their guard and prepared to answer; which in my opinion is easy enough, for there is nothing in the book which goes to the root of the matter (chose que morde et penetre jusques au vifz) or that cannot be refuted in two words.
After the Nuncio's departure, the King was long in consultation with his privy councillors and other great men, and finding no other means of parrying the blow announced from Rome, it was decided to send some one to the Queen for the purpose of inducing her to consent to the delay of the proceedings, and to the removal of the cause somewhere else. The Queen was secretly acquainted with the fact that very evening, and on Tuesday morning, without any further communication, as the virtuous and Christian princess that she is, took the true counsel, and caused several masses of the Holy Ghost to be said, that she might be thereby enlightened and know what to answer to the King's deputation for the salvation of her soul, and the good and repose of the King, kingdom, and the whole of Christendom.
On the said day, therefore, towards eight or nine o'clock at night, just as the Queen was going to bed, there came the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the young marquis [of Dorset], the earls of Tallebot (Talbot), Northumberland, Wiltshire, and several other noblemen, more than 30 in number, accompanied by the bishops of Lincoln and London, doctors Lee, Sampson, and Steve (Stephen Gardiner), the first secretary. Being introduced to the Queen's presence, the duke of Norfolk spoke for the rest and said: "That he and the rest had come there on the part of the King, and by his express command, on State matters of great moment to him and the whole of his kingdom ; namely, to signify to her how much displeased and hurt he (the King) was at the contempt and vituperation with which he had been treated on her account by the Pope, summoned as he had been by public proclamation to appear personally at Rome: a strange measure never before enforced by the popes against the kings of England. She (the Queen) might well consider that no reason, however strong or plausible, could be sufficient for the King to abandon his kingdom. That would certainly not help her, and those who had the management of her affairs at Rome, to come to a peaceable and satisfactory settlement of the dispute. It was far better not to press the sentence as they had done and were still doing at Rome. She ought to be contented that by mutual consent of the parties a fit place and impartial judges should be chosen, as otherwise she might be the cause of great troubles and scandals throughout the kingdom, by which all those present, their children, and the rest of their posterity might be thrown into great danger and confusion. He (the Duke) and the rest came to beg and exhort her on behalf of King and kingdom to consider how many dangers they and the whole of England would run by her refusing to comply with the King's wishes, especially as she had no legitimate cause of complaint, since from the very first she had been treated as well and as honourably as any queen of England ever was, and perhaps even more so. Secondly, she ought to recollect the help and assistance given [from England] to her father, the Catholic King [Ferdinand] by means of which he was enabled to make the conquest of Navarre. Thirdly, she ought also to bear in mind the many and multifarious services (plaisirs) which the King had rendered to Your Majesty, even during the rising of the Commons in Spain, and at many other times which (the Duke said) would take too long to relate. She ought also to consider that the King could not, and ought not to be called upon to leave his kingdom and appear at Rome or elsewhere, except of his own free will and consent, being as he was supreme chief and sovereign in his own kingdom both temporally and spiritually, as had been declared, recognized, and attested by Parliament and the Clergy, All which considerations (added the Duke) ought to remove at once all her scruples in the matter, and induce her to consent to the delay and appointment of place and judges above alluded to."
To the Duke's speech the Queen answered : That no living soul regretted more than she did the annoyance the King had experienced, nor the contempt and humiliation whereof he complained, especially if, as the King said, she was the principal cause of it. She could not, however, think that her proctors at Rome were capable of soliciting, or those who had taken cognizance of the affair, of granting unjust terms or other than such as common right and judicial procedure required; which terms being observed no injury or harm could be done to either of the contending parties. Respecting the choice of other judges but the Pope—the only legitimate one in such cases—she would never consent to it as long as she lived, not that she expected any favour at His Holiness' hands, "for certainly (she said) up to the present time the Pope has shewn himself so much inclined and so partial to the King that nothing more can be asked of him. I myself, and no one else have reason to complain of His Holiness;" and she went on recapitulating the many favours granted to the King since the beginning of the suit, and the injuries she herself had received. "Nevertheless (she added), as the King himself did in the first instance appeal to His Holiness, who keeps the place and has the power of God on earth, and consequently is the image of eternal Truth—I wish and intend that truth and justice and right be recognized and declared by the minister and vicar (lieutenant) of the said supreme Truth, namely, by the Pope, whose authority and declaration are more necessary in this case for the repose and example not only of this kingdom, but also of Christendom at large. With regard to the scandals alluded to, I confidently hope in God that as I have hitherto been preserved from being the cause thereof, His divine grace will preserve me in future. It was to avoid such scandals— which have generally their source in injustice and iniquity —that I have followed the path of truth and justice. Those who have led the King to such extremities, against which I protest, had better take heed to what they were about, and obviate such scandals."
As to the good treatment she has received, as the Duke said, she owned it and was thankful, as well as of the assistance given to her father [Ferdinand] for the conquest of Navarre. If he had no time fully to acknowledge and requite the service, it was entirely owing to his almost sudden death. otherwise he would never have failed to repay the favours bestowed by England in that respect, as he had both the means and the power, as well as the will and the magnanimity to do so. The services rendered to Your Majesty she could remember and acknowledge in part; yet there was no necessity for further testimony, since Your Majesty had never denied them, but on the contrary bore them in mind with the full intention of repaying them, and doing the King's pleasure whenever an opportunity should offer in all things legitimate and fair. In this (the Queen added) there would be no failure nor dissimulation, for she knew for certain that Your Majesty was the King's sincere and affectionate friend ; all ought to know this and try and persuade him thereof. Touching the "supremum caput," she acknowledged the King as her chief and sovereign, and as such was ready to serve and obey him. She considered him the lord and master of the whole kingdom in temporal matters, but in the spiritual God forbid that the King should hold such an opinion, or that she ever should consent thereto, the Pope being the only true sovereign and vicar of God, having power to judge in all spiritual matters ; matrimony being of this class there could therefore be no necessity to seek another arbiter.
Immediately after the Queen's answer as above Dr. Lee spoke and said: "She ought to be convinced that having been carnally known by prince Artus (Arthur), her first husband, her second marriage with the King, his brother, was a most detestable and abonimable act in the eyes of God and of the World. That was a fact acknowledged, as he found, by all good English doctors, and confirmed by the universities;" and he went on adducing similar arguments in support of his opinion. To which the Queen replied: "You had better address your allegations to others; you shall never persuade me that what you say is the truth. In this present case you are neither my counsel nor my judge, and I can very well see that what you have just said is more for the sake of flattering the King than of adhering to truth." She then declared that she had never been known by prince Arthur, and that with regard to the dispute pending between her husband, the King, and herself, that was certainly not the fit place to bring it forward; if he (Lee) was inclined to argue for the King he had better go to Rome and plead ; he would find there others than women to contend with, and who would shew him that he was far from having seen or read all that had been written on the subject.
Dr. Sampson, the dean of the Chapel, spoke next, and said to the Queen that she was indeed very blameable in thus pertinaciously refusing to have the cause tried and sentenced elsewhere than at Rome, and in not allowing the suspension of the proceedings (surseoir) for a time. She ought not to hasten, as she was doing, the determination and sentence of the suit, for even if the worst happened for the King at Rome, and she herself was favoured, it would only be after all a sentence pronounced by contumacy (par contradictes), which could be easily and by various means annulled and retracted hereafter, besides which it would be the cause of increasing rather than appeasing the contention, for the only available expedient was to proceed at once to the election of judges out of Rome, as the Duke had just proposed.
To this proposition the Queen replied as she had done to the Duke, and ended by saying : "Dean, had you experienced one half of the hard days and nights I have passed since the commencement of this wretched business you would not consider it too hasty or precipitate on my part to wish for, and try to procure, the sentence and determination of this suit, nor would you so accuse me of tenacity and obstinacy. Respecting the "contradictes" and other terms of Law, I know nothing of them ; you may go to Rome with Dr. Lee and there discuss the matter at pleasure."
Then the bishop of Lincoln began to condemn the marriage, as Dr. Lee had done, adding that she had actually lived in concubinage ever since, and that God had fully manifested his abomination of such a union by sending down the malediction of sterility with which she had been visited. She could not (he said) deny a connection with her first husband, inasmuch as there were evident proofs of the contrary. The Queen's answer was that although she esteemed and loved the King as much as woman can esteem and love man, even should he be one hundred thousand times greater in quality and perfection, she would never have remained in his company one single moment against the voice of her conscience. She knew perfectly well that she was his legitimate and true wife, and that the proofs to which they alluded, if any existed to the contrary, were forged and false. This she could affirm and maintain as one who knew the truth better than anyone in the world. If any proofs were wanting that she had never known carnally prince Arthur, she could, besides the most solemn oath once taken [before Campeggio] to this effect adduce other testimony to prove theirs to be false and mendacious.
To this last asseveration of the Queen, Dr. Strock (Stokesley) objected, saying : "Were there no other testimonies in our favour the presumption of the Law would be sufficient, for you have lived a length of time under the same roof with the Prince, and shared his bed." The Queen replied : "I care not for such cavilling, I only regard simple truth ; as to presumptions and laws, you may go and allege them at Rome with the rest."
The Queen at last said that she was very much astonished to see so many high personages of such great power and influence in the World (pour estonner un monde) thus gathered round her. What could have prevailed upon them thus to assemble and come and surprise her, a poor woman without friends or counsel, she could not guess. Upon which the Duke observed that she could not really complain on that score, for she had undoubtedly the ablest counsel in all England ; that is to say, the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Durham, Rochester, and others. The Queen interrupted him by saying : "Pretty counsellors those are, for if I ask Canterbury's advice he answers me that he will have nothing to do with such affairs, and keeps repeating to me the words ira principis mors est. The bishop of Durham answers that he dares not, because he is the King's subject and vassal. Rochester tells me to have good heart and hope for the best. All the others have made similar answers, so that I have been obliged to send to Flanders for lawyers, as no one here would or dared draw an appeal in my favour. This I have since done by permission and consent of the King himself at the time that he did not object to the cause being transferred to Rome. It was in pursuance of the said Royal permission that the cause was advoked to Rome, and on it I found my right." Hearing this the earl of Wiltshire observed that the permission to appeal, to which the Queen alluded did not go so far as to have the King summoned to appear personally at Rome. To which the Queen replied that she had never solicited or sought the said summons (citation), and that if in the pursuit of the said appeal it was deemed necessary to take such a step, she could not be made responsible for it. The duke [of Norfolk] and the earl [of Wiltshire], by way of an excuse, tried to make it appear that they had nothing to do with the affair, and were not the promoters of it. They knew nothing, they pretended, except what they had heard lawyers say on the subject. After which all the lords left the room together without anything more being said.
The bishop of London was pressed to state his argument but when he heard the answers given by the Queen to his colleagues he had not the courage to speak. Most of the others, had they had the liberty of expressing their opinion, would undoubtedly have sided with the Queen, and at least shewed their good wishes, for they kept giving evident signs of satisfaction at the Queen's answers, and elbowing each other whenever any of her replies touched the deputies to the quick. (fn. 3) Among those who thus took up the Queen's part, though silently, was the Kings first secretary, Dr. Estiene (Stephen), who from the beginning had treated this affair at the Pope's court, that being most likely the reason why the Lady strongly suspects and dislikes him. Many more who were present at the conference said afterwards that they had long been trying to persuade the Queen and give her good advice, but that one woman alone had refuted their arguments and defeated their plans. One of the last was Guillesfort (Guilford), the comptroller, who was heard to say that it would be a very good thing if all the doctors who had been the inventors and abettors of the plan could be tied together in a cart (charrette) and sent to Rome, there to dispute and maintain their opinions, and meet with confusion and defeat as they deserved.
And it is reported that when the two dukes and some others went to announce to the King the bad result of their commission, and the reasons the Queen had stated for not acceding to their request, he (the King), who had been impatiently waiting for their return, said : "I feared it would be so, knowing beforehand the heart and fancy of the Queen; but it is now necessary to provide for the whole affair by other means," saying which he remained for some time thoughtful.
Since the receipt of the last letters from Rome, of which I wrote to Your Majesty, the King has been in very bad humour and much perplexed ; he has even had twice high words with Jean Jocquin, who had promised him in his master's name that the Pope would grant the delay applied for and the prorogation of the cause. I hear also from a very good source that no later than yesterday this King complained bitterly of the Most Christian and of the negotiations being carried on at Rome for a marriage between the Dauphin and the Pope's niece without his knowledge, which circumstances, added to those mentioned above, are in my opinion the cause of the Kings present confusion and bewilderment, he not knowing what to do or where to go for advice. It might be owing to this that yesterday he sent orders to his ambassador residing at Your Majesty's Court to offer some sort of compromise in this affair, which intelligence, coming from a very good source, I have not hesitated to transmit at once that Your Majesty's ministers may be prepared to meet the offer.
Yesterday there was here a great rumour that the King had summoned several seamen and all his gunners, at which most people thought that some warlike enterprize was in contemplation; but being informed by those who pretend to know the King's intention, I find that it is only for the purpose of bringing here [to the Thames] two or three big ships he has at Fallemue (Falmouth), and having them repaired and caulked, as it is said that they are almost rotten from being so long in port, and that the repairs will be done quicker and cheaper here.
Whilst writing the above I hear that had it not been for Taillebot (Talbot) more strange terms and words would have been used towards the Queen, but at two or three meetings which the nobles and prelates held for the purpose of deliberating what line of conduct was to be pursued with respect to her, he (Talbot) boldly told the assembly that they ought to consider that they themselves represented all the nobility of the kingdom, and that it appertained to them to act and behave as such, not to use unbecoming words, or swerve from truth and justice to the detriment of princes or private individuals. It seemed to him that whoever prosecuted his suit judicially and by fair means did not injure anyone (ne faysoit tort a personne). Which speech [of Talbot's], as I am told, was the cause of protracting the deliberations, and delaying the intimation, which was made to the Queen two or three days after. As he left the Queen's chamber, Dr. Lee was heard to say that all the pains the King and others had taken to persuade the Queen had been in vain, for that she still persisted in her declaration of never having been carnally known by prince Arthur.
After the duke [of Norfolk] had reported according to his own views his conference with the Queen, he of Suffolk drew up a summary account of the same, telling the King in so many words that the Queen was ready to obey him in all things, but that she owed obedience to two persons first. The King, imagining that he (the Duke) meant His Holiness and Your Imperial Majesty, asked very eagerly who those two were, and the Duke replied : "God was the first; the second her soul and conscience, which the Queen said she would not lose for anything in this world," to which answer the King made no reply.
The said duke of Suffolk and his wife would, if they dared, oppose this second marriage of the King with all their force. Only two days ago he (the Duke) and the Treasurer had a long talk together on this very topic, both agreeing that now was the time for all to join hands in trying to dissuade the King from his folly (desarçonner le roy de sa folie), and that the best way to attain that object was to procure sentence with as little further delay as possible, which sentence, they maintained, would meet with the approbation of many in this country. Matters being so well disposed it is imperative to have the suit pushed as vigorously as possible.
The Lady (Anne) hearing that Guilliefort (Guildford), the comptroller, was not very partial to her, has since threatened him most furiously, saying that when she becomes queen of] England], she will have him punished and deprived of his office. The Comptroller's reply has been that in that event she will not have the trouble of having him cashiered, for he himself will be the first to resign his post. After this Guildford went to the King, and having related what passed, and the Lady's threats surrendered the seals of his office on the plea of bad health. And though the King gave them back to him twice, and would not accept his resignation, saying that he ought not to mind women's talk, the Comptroller, either disgusted at the whole affair, or because he was really indisposed, insisted on giving up his office, and went home.
A German doctor residing at Basle, Simon Grineus by name, and one of Erasmus' friends, has been in London these last few days. He came here in company with a printer of the said Basle, for the purpose of finding old manuscripts to set up in type. The King has caused him to argue this divorce question with three or four of his principal doctors and shewn him the book lately printed on the subject. Grineus, as it would appear, has pronounced it to be of very little value or efficacy, and offered to the King the opinion of the doctors in the district where he himself resides, which offer the King has willingly accepted, and given him money in advance to defray all expenses.—London, 6th June, anno[15]31.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor.''
French. Holograph, pp. 10.
8 June.740. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
S. E. L., 854,
f. 119.
B. M. Add. 28,583,
f. 251.
Has received her letter of the 28th April, and written accordingly to the archbishop of Santiago, president of the Council (Tavera).
Copies his two letters of the 25th May and 4th June.— Rome, 8th June 1531.
Signed: "El Dr. Ortiz."
Addressed: "To the Catholic and Imperial Majesty of the Empress and Queen, our Lady."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 2.
9 June.741. Muxetula to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 853,
f. 7.
B M. Add. 28,583,
f 253.
Reports a long conversation with the Pope respecting the views of the king of France about Milan and the marriage of his son [the duke of Orleans] to the Pope's niece. Although not quite indifferent to those overtures of the French ambassador, the Pope has decided not to accept them, asking time to consider, &c, so as to delay the matter as much as possible.
The Council, &c. The king of France persists in his resolution not to attend it personally, and opposes its being held in Italy. This is evidently done to prevent altogether the celebration of the Council, and see whether in the meantime he (the King) can get hold of Milan. This consideration, and fear of the inconveniences that might arise from the convocation of the Council without the approbation and consent of the kings of France and England—some of which inconveniences he (Muxetula) has pointed out in a former despatch—makes cardinal d'Osma and himself (Muxetula) think that it might be advisable to arrange some sort of compromise so that the Emperor may come out of the pass with honour and defeat the plans of the king of France. (fn. 4) And since the Council cannot take effect for the present, and since matters being left &s they are, heresy will certainly increase—one of the principal reasons for the celebration of the Council being to confirm the German Catholics in their faith, and bring the heretics under subjection, it might be advisable on the Emperor's passage through Germany to propose some sort of agreement with Luther, and ascertain from the good Catholics themselves what the Council and His Holiness the Pope are expected to do for the support of the Faith, and what concessions the Lutherans themselves, in the midst of their own particular dissensions, are prepared to make, and also to have the Emperor, with the approval and consent of His Holiness, made the arbiter of the injuries which they (the Lutherans) pretend to have received. The Emperor after that might come to Rome and induce the Pope to consent to all those reforms considered necessary, and which ought to be granted to the said Lutherans, as well as to the Catholics. There can be no doubt that His Holiness would willingly adhere to such a plan, which could not fail to have a good effect. After calling upon the Pope at Rome His Imperial Majesty might easily visit his kingdom of Naples and then return to Spain by the galleys in June of next year, leaving Italy in peace, and Germany very much better than it was before.
Not only does His Holiness approve of this plan, which both the Cardinal [of Osma] and he [Muxetula] have submitted to him, but he suggested many of the above-mentioned expedients and said he would be glad to see His Imperial Majesty in Italy, when he would be ready to do anything he asked him for.
Marriage of the Pope's niece, &c.
The Imperial army would have risen in mutiny had not the Pope's contribution and 30,000 crs. from Naples arrived in time. He (Muxetula) is continually asking that the troops should be removed elsewhere. They have already been full three months in the lands of the Church, and it is high time that they should remove to other quarters.
Cardinal's hat given to the bishop of Burgos (Don Iñigo de Mendoça).
The duke of Ferrara and the sentence, &c.
In consequence of the Emperor's letter he (Muxetula) has received orders to be at Florence on the arrival of the duke (Alessandro), and remain there 20 or 30 days. Intends doing so, but not until he has secured means for the pay of the men during the months of July and August, and the French ambassador (Tarbes) has left for France.—Rome, 9th June 1531.
Signed: "Jo. Ant. Muscetula."
Addressed: "To His Most Sacred Majesty.''
Spanish. Original, pp. 3½.
9 June.742. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 853,
f. 53.
B. M. Add. 28,583,
f. 257.
After his despatch of the 31st May, which went by Bauri (Waury), the French ambassador tried again to procure a cardinal's hat for the archbishop of Toulouse, but hearing that the lord of Monacho (Monaco) was on the list they desisted. They have, however, obtained a most valuable concession, i.e., that all elective churches in France be given "a nominatione" perpetually, for although the grant is only meant for the life of king Francis, it can be renewed. Might have opposed this measure by applying to the cardinals of our party when the matter was discussed at the College, but did not. As it is, whatever Tarbes may say to the contrary, eight cardinals voted against the measure, though neither Santa Croce nor d'Osma attended Consistory, the former being absent and the latter unwell.
(Cipher:) Tarbes must be out of his senses or else a very wicked man by nature, perhaps both. The other day he was heard to say in public that Your Majesty was shut up in Flanders without having a place to go to, or being able to return home. To Italy (he said) you could not go as you would have to cross France and would not trust yourself there, although you might well do so without fear. By sea you could not venture for fear of England and because the Germans are generally discontented.
Marriage of the Pope's niece, &c.
Arrival at Rome of the Escudier Francisco (Escuyer François), whom the French will still call count Pontremoli, on the 6th.
Tarbes to return to France in a week, the duke of Albany filling his place. Judgment on the former and object of his overtures. The principal aim of the French is to get again a footing in Italy.
Arrival at Rome of Jacopo Albolotto, a Ferrarese lawyer, sent by the duke (Alfonso d'Este).
Venetians resist the appointment of the super-arbiter who is to decide between them and the king of the Romans.
Duke of Milan and marquis of Mus. The latter has lately sent here one of his secretaries begging us to intercede with the Duke in his favour.
The Most Christian King has reduced to 40,000 the 200,000 crs. which was the amount of his debt to the Switzers. He tells them that he cannot do more for the present.
Duke of Amalfì and Siena.
Bishop of Burgos (Don Iñigo de Mendoza) created cardinal.
The cause of England began (se ygualó) two days ago. Two lawyers are now employed ìd summing up in order to see whether (siendo instructo el proceso) they will give us commission to proceed during the vacations. Shall at any rate suggest the measure, even if not able to carry it through (de ponerlo á lo menos en platica) before that time, though I hear that the mandate from England is merely to say that the whole of our allegation is a manifest calumny. This will cause at least one month's delay.—Rome, 9th June 1531.
Signed: "Mai."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 3.
9 June.743. Muxetula to the Same.
S. B. L. 853, f. 27.
B. M. Add. 28,583,
f. 262.
My despatch of the 25th ult. must have informed Your Majesty of the state of affairs here. Since then I hear that the Pope's contribution money reached the Imperial camp at a time when the men were on the verge of mutiny. With that and the 20,000 crs. that came from Naples on the 2nd inst., and were immediately sent to the camp, the men are now quiet, and the marquis del Guasto (Vasto) has nothing to fear at least for one month to come. Yet in the state in which the Imperial army is, there ought to he no delay in the payment, otherwise there is danger of the soldiers committing excesses, &c.
(Cipher:) I mentioned the other day what His Holiness told me were king Francis' views respecting Milan. He wants Your Majesty and the Pope to consent to the Duchy coming to him, in case of the present duke Francesco Sforza dying without children. Such is the mission of Mr. de Tarbes, as the Pope tells me, and to that end he proposed, as the duke of Albany did before, the marriage of Has Holiness' niece to Francis' second son provided the Duchy was given to her. All this, however, is nothing but a stratagem of the French, as I failed not to represent in former despatches; indeed, lest His Holiness might perhaps listen to such proposals, I fully explained to him the danger which the peace of Italy would run if ever the French had again a footing in this country. I told him plainly that were the French to get possession of Milan in this manner they would go on extending their domination over Italy, Rome would become Francis' chapel, and the Pope his chaplain. In short since pope Julius, pope Leo, and His Holiness himself had worked so strenuously to drive the French out of Italy it was (I said) highly improvident to give them again a chance of their becoming the masters of the country by accepting such conditions as those brought forward, &c.
These and other arguments of mine seemed to make some impression upon His Holiness, and I have since heard that cardinal d'Osma (Loaysa) having likewise spoken to him on the subject, heh as fully promised to be on his guard, and take no engagements respecting his niece's hand. Indeed, I am told that the French ambassador having lately asked most earnestly that the marriage should at once be accomplished by proxy, His Holiness has resolutely answered that he will take no engagement until the marriage can be effected, as neither his niece nor the duke of Orleans is at present of a fit age to marry. As it is evident that in proposing such a marriage king Francis has no other object in view than to make the Pope favour his plans about Milan, and principally to destroy any hopes the Pope may entertain of marrying his niece to the present duke, the French are sure to look out for some other means of enticing His Holiness to this step. Tarbes has, therefore, announced that he is about to quit Rome, and return to France to consult his master.
With regard to the Council it is quite evident that all the objections which king Francis has hitherto raised about it as well as about the place of the meeting, besides his wish to be present thereat, are only intended to prevent it altogether or at least to gain the favour of Your Majesty and of the Pope so that he may by his consent get the duchy of Milan. Even if by giving his consent to the Council he should get what he wants, there is every probability that hating, as he does, Your Majesty's growing power king Francis will so work and intrigue with the Lutherans of Germany, and perhaps with the Turk also, as to actually prevent Your Majesty from coming to Italy.
Discussing lately with cardinal d'Osma on the expediency of this Council, we both agreed that it could nowise be general, unless the king of France consented to it. Our reasons for thinking so are that if the convocation be made for a general one, and the king of France wishes to he present, and does not accept the place of meeting proposed by His Holiness, it stands to reason that if the convocation be made without his consent and that of the king of England, there will be two councils convoked and held at once; one wherever Your Imperial Majesty and the Pope may designate; the other in a city appointed by the kings of France and England, who will then withdraw their obedience from His Holiness. And since Your Majesty will, and must, act against the Lutherans, God knows whether those sectarians, having the kings of France and England in their favour, as well as the Switzers, will not promote greater confusion and scandal in the Church than they have done hitherto. That is why should France and England, in order to create dissension among the Christian princes, oppose the meeting of the Council in a town designated by Your Majesty, and by so doing diminish the Pope's authority, great mischief will be done, for nobody can prevent the French from convoking another Council in another town, since in these late English differences both the French and the English have caused whole colleges of divines and canonists to assemble and determine that which only His Holiness has really the power to judge; and if they have already done that, who can tell us that they will not convoke a Council of their own? The more so that they may possibly allege that the place designated by the Pope being suspicious to them they want to choose another.
The above considerations make us think, and the Pope is likewise of our opinion, that as long as France and England visibly oppose it, the Council cannot be convoked.
But some will say if there is to be no Council at all what will be the consequence? Our answer is that one of the principal causes for convoking the Council was to confirm the German Catholics in their faith, and with their assistance conquer and subdue the Lutherans. True; but the German Catholics who desire the Council, and are so earnestly asking for it, would not do so unless they expected to gain something through it. They also complain in certain respects of the Roman court, and of the Pope himself, and hope that their complaints being atended to, and the remedy proposed by the Lutherans being partly applied, some good may be done. When it is found out that the king of France is the principal cause for the non-celebration of the Council, and that Your Majesty on the contrary has made every effort in your power to bring it about, then Your Majesty will be able to make such an agreement with the German Lutherans as may facilitate some future expedient (corte). taking from the Catholics their own suggestions as to what the Pope might do towards mending matters, repairing the damage done to Faith, and composing the private differences of the Catholics. Then Your Imperial Majesty might come to Rome, have an interview with the Pope, and then and there, without a Council arrange matters, &c.
I must not omit to say that when the Pope spoke to me about the French marriage I gathered from his words that the importunity of the demand originated principally in the King's desire to prevent that of Milan. He owned to me that the latter would be more advantageous to him, and more to his honour and reputation than the one proposed by France, not only on account of Florence (por las cosas de Florencia). but because the French would then lose all hope of putting their foot in Italy. Yet he still hesitates, for he does not know for certain whether the Duke (Francesco Sforza) is willing or not to marry his niece, and besides he would feel bound to defend him in all questions, and therefore render himself suspicious to France. And as the Pope was never inclined to take too much responsibility on his shoulders he told me the other day: "I speak to you sincerely; if this marriage of my niece [to the duke of Orleans] do not take place, I confess to you that I would rather have her marry the duke of Mantua than that of Milan."
(Common writing:) His Holiness is continually asking us to remove the Spanish infantry to other quarters; at the end of this month they will have stayed ten weeks in the lands of the Church; if Your Majesty decide that they quarter the end fignana and in the neighbouring villages, we must be informed in time, &c.
The Pope has been three consecutive days ill with the gout.
A secretary of Ferrara (fn. 5) has come here to ask whether His Holiness intends abiding by the sentence or not. I fancy that the Pope's answer has been shaped in general terms, until it be known whether the Duke intends coming down with money or with mere words.
Excesses in Naples. Assassination of count Policastro.
Orders have been sent for the duke of Amalphi to come here and go back to Siena according to Your Majesty's commands. That seems the best that could be done under present circumstances considering that the Duke was much loved in the place, and that the Sienese themselves have asked for him.
It has been impossible to persuade His Holiness to continue his monthly payments beyond the term of six months, which will expire in September.
The bulls for the cardinal bishop of Burgos (Don Iñigo de Mendoza) were issued to day, notwithstanding the efforts made by cardinal Tarbes, the Frenchman, to prevent it, for he wanted those obtained in favour of the archbishop of Toulouse to go first.—Rome, 8th June 1533.
P.S.—His Holiness wants me to go to Florence and prepare matters for the reception of the duke [Alessandro de' Medici]. I have accepted the commission, but will certainly not leave Rome before the pay of July and August to the Imperial army is insured, besides which I should like to see Tarbes go first; I shall then be more at ease.
Signed: "Jo. Ant. Muscetula."
Addressed: "Sacre Cæs. et Cath. Mti."
Spanish. Original mostly in cipher. pp. 14.
9–10 June.744 Miçer Mai to the Same.
S.E.L. 854,
f. 121.
B. M. Add. 28,583,
ff. 223–6.
Notwithstanding his discomfiture Tarbes has made several attempts to get a cardinal's hat for the archbishop of Toulouse. Hearing, however, that Grimaldo, the lord of Monaco, was on the lists he desisted. His defeat, however, has been more than counterbalanced by his success in another quarter, for he has succeeded in obtaining a "nominatione" for all the churches of France which formerly were elective.
9–10 June.745 The Same to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 853, f. 1.
B. M.Add. 28,583,
ff. 217–22.
Tarbes wished to apply again for a cardinars hat for the archbishop of Tolosa, (fn. 6) but hearing of the concurrence of the lord of Monaco desisted from his application.
The French have been much favoured by the Pope of late. Among other concessions he has made them, one is that all vacant churches in France which were formerly of Papal election, shall be filled during the life of the present king (Francis) by appointment (a nominatione). This is a very important grant, for by the simple renewal of it from one king to his successor it becomes as it were perpetual.
Tarbes has told His Holiness, and many others besides, that His Imperial Majesty is shut up in Flanders without having the power or the means of going back to Spain, or returning to Italy, for in the first place he (the Emperor) could not take to sea for fear of the English business and its consequences, nor could he go either by way of Germany, on the obedience of whose people he can no longer count; the disaffected being of course hostile to him, and the well meaning annoyed because the Council promised them does not take place.
The same ambassador is urging the Pope to decide about his niece's marriage. The latter says that even should he accept the offer—which he does not intend doing without consulting His Imperial Majesty first—he would never send his niece to France, as they desire, until both should be of competent age to consummate matrimony. Yet upon the whole, and notwithstanding His Holiness' frequent asseverations to the contrary, he (Mai) cannot help thinking that he (the Pope) would see with pleasure a marriage of this sort, as he would thereby secure Florence, avoid the convocation of the Council, gain in reputation, and see perhaps his own niece duchess of Milan, and the greatest lady in all Italy.
Squire Francis (fn. 7) has arrived post haste. Nobody knows what he is coming for. Tarbes, it is rumoured, is going back to France in a week. The duke of Albany will replace him until the bishop of Auxerre (Tinteville) comes. He (Tarbes) has also been trying to arrange an interview between his master, the Pope, and the Emperor. Upon the inquiry what could be the object of such a meeting, he answered vaguely that when the three princes were together they might then ask each other what they most wanted. The Duke [of Albany], however, was more explicit, for being interrogated on the subject, he answered that the King and his courtiers could not bear the idea of losing Milan for ever; they would, however, be satisfied with His Imperial Majesty giving that estate to the duke of Orleans after the death of the present duke without male children. In making these overtures the French are under the impression that the Emperor, our master, will soon be in need of their friendship owing to some rising or other of the German princes, with whom king Francis is known to be in secret correspondence, and indeed, as the Pope himself says, the journey of George Gritti, the Venetian, to France is solely with no other object.
The affair of the Council is so much opposed (cuesta abajo) that in his (Mai's) opinion, though the Emperor and the king of France may agree to its celebration, Rome will still resist it.
The duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d' Este) has sent here a lawyer to protest that the term fixed for the execution of the arbitral sentence is about to expire.
The duke of Milan and the castellan of Mus.
The 200,000 crs. promised by king Francis to the Switzers have been reduced to 40,000, &c.
Marquis del Vasto and reform of the Imperial army.
Respecting the return of the duke of Malfi (Amalfì) to Siena the Emperor's orders have been punctually executed. Field Marshal Guevara has been instructed to write a letter to the "Baylia," but up to this day he has had no answer. It appears that on the second day of Easter there was fear of a disturbance in that city, but it was prevented in time.
Riots had also occurred at Modena, but had been appeased by Pero Zapata.
The cardinal's hat for the bishop of Burgos [Don Iñigo de Mendoza] granted at Bologna is now being forwarded to, but those of the two archbishops [of Santiago and Seville] offer more difficulty.
Two lawyers are now busily employed in summing up the process of the English cause. Will do his utmost to have it finished (ponerle en platica) before the vacations, and see whether these people will give him a commission to continue proceedings during the said holidays, though he hears that a mandate has come from England merely to contradict—which is a manifest calumny. (fn. 8) This will naturally delay the suit for one month, or perhaps a few days more, but after that all diligence will be made in the cause without losing one single point.
Patronage of Sicily and Sardinia.
Bulls for the coronation of the king of the Romans.
Law suit pending between the archbishop of Salerno (Fragoso) and prothonotary Gattinara.—Rome, 10th June 1531.
Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
10 June.746. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L. 853,
f. 52.
B. M. Add. 28,583,
f. 281.
(Cipher;) The most important affair in hand nowadays is the proposed marriage of the Pope's niece to the duke of Orleans, for although His Holiness assures us all of his good-will towards [Your Majesty] he may suddenly change his mind, which will be rather a bad beginning for us if his (the Pope's) inclination be taken into consideration, for he is decidedly a Frenchman by nature.
(Common writing:) The Pope, nevertheless, said the other day to Miçer Andrea [del Burgo] and to him (Mai) that the marriage was by no means a thing settled, and that whatever the King's offers might be, he would never grant his consent without first consulting the Emperor. He said more; he begged them both (Burgo and Mai) not to be afraid or shocked if they came to hear of negotiations going on between him and the French on that particular subject, but to be calm and prudent as he had always known them to be. "I am aware (said he) that other [Imperial] ministers might be maliciously inclined, and see mischief and danger [for the Emperor] in an affair of this sort; but thank God you are here [at Rome], and I trust entirely on your good sense and discretion." Many similar words did the Pope utter on this occasion, more or less flattering to their individual persons, from which he (Mai) concludes that in the negotiations he is now carrying on with the French fear and love are mixed.
His (Mai's) humble opinion is that, whatever the Pope may say to the contrary, the marriage will be ultimately made, if it only suits his purpose, for these Italians invariably do that which is best for them. For this reason he (Mai) thinks that the Pope will marry his niece (Caterina) to the duke of Orleans; by doing so he fancies that he will avoid the General Council, which is what he most fears; that he will secure the affection of the Florentines, who are decidedly most attached to France, and become the ally and relative of a monarch so great and so powerful that he will gain reputation through it with all, and especially with us Spaniards, who for fear of losing his alliance will respect him the more. If as he (Mai) presumes such be the direction of His Holiness' mundane thoughts, he perhaps fancies that he may in time make of his niece a duchess of Milan, and afterwards the greatest lady in Italy. Against this there is perhaps nothing to set but the consideration and respect due to the Emperor, to whom a matrimonial union of this sort can nowise be agreeable. The Pope is well aware of this, for he seems to comfort himself with the idea (and likewise with the fact, as he himself says), that His Imperial Majesty approves of the marriage. Perhaps he is also afraid of creating general discontent in Italy on account of the duchy of Milan; but this he will not mind, imagining that the opinion of Italians may change on this point, or that they will be indifferent, for after all what he is looking after is not to take engagements with the French, who are sure in the long run to get him into trouble. Perhaps, too, he flatters himself that his authority and good sense will ultimately prevail, and that he will be able to overcome all difficulties. For 14 or 15 months, as they say, the duke of Orleans will not be able to consummate marriage; during that time the World (the Pope thinks) may give a turn, and things appear less in the shade, when he may perhaps choose the surest and most commodious path, fond as these Italians are of novelty.
The evil, therefore, is close at hand, and the remedy far off, because were he (Mai) to tell the Pope, as he has been ordered to do, that he must first make sure of the Most Christian King, and engage him for the Council, this would be of no earthly use. For in the first place when he (Mai), in compliance with His Majesty's commands, mentioned the subject, the Pope made no answer; neither did he reply when the cardinal of Osma again spoke to him in the Emperor's name. All this is in consequence of these people not fearing at all the issue of the Council as long as they can reckon upon our not having the means of preventing it, unless we follow another tack. All the expedients I have hitherto discovered I have proposed as coming from me; His Holiness knows them as well as I do, yet I am afraid that in the end he will do his pleasure and nothing more. (fn. 9)
I beg to be excused if I insist upon this said idea, but I see no other remedy but to try to concert the Germans in the best possible way, then make peace or truce with the Turk, and persuade the king of the Ramans to come to terms with the Vayvod, because should all this be accomplished, it is clear to me that neither the French marriage would be effected, nor would these Italians have occasion to dream of novelties as they are no doubt now dreaming, &c.
(Cipher:) Meanwhile Tarbes is soliciting two sorts of interviews, one between His Holiness and the Most Christian King, his master; the other between the two last, and His Imperial Majesty. As to the former he (Mai) needs scarcely point out the dishonesty of such a proposition at the present juncture. (Common writing:) The latter has also been a favourite topic with the French for the last two years, and in his (Mai's) opinion, it is quite sufficient that the enemy wishes for it to refuse it at once, unless the object and aim be clearly defined, for he (Mai) recollects perfectly well what the duke of Albany (John Stuart) said last winter to the Venetian ambassador, viz., that it was preferable that the conferences should be held here, in Italy, than elsewhere, because the Most Christian King and His Imperial Majesty might then meet, as it were, on neutral ground, and the Pope also have a better opportunity to bring the Emperor to their common views; from which may be inferred, that if the conferences are to take place at all they had better be held there than here, and if here, in Italy, after the wedding, not before. (fn. 10)
It is evident that what the French are looking after is the duchy of Milan now, or at least after the present Duke's death. He (Mai) should not be surprised if the Pope said one of these days, as he has already begun to hint in vague and enigmatic words—"There is plenty of time for that, whoever has time before him and can wait for his opportunity has great chance of success." Against this he (Mai) said at the time, and repeats now: "Such reckonings can never suit the Emperor, because a promise of his is as sure as an actual gift from Pope or King." Besides they might perhaps not choose to wait till the Duke's natural death, but in the meantime promote troubles and revolutions in his estate by means of the emigrants (fuorusciti) or others, or else thy might have the Duke poisoned or assassinated, and thus throw the country into confusion and disquietude owing to the announced return of the French. Many who are now holding back would then declare themselves [for the French], and should the Holy Apostolic See become vacant, much harm might be done for the election of another Pope. Besides, who tells us that the French would be contented with Milan? For such is their restless ambition, that they would most probably not be contented and want to go farther on, &c.
The Pope has been for the last four or fìve days confined to his bed by a fit of the gout (puagre), (fn. 11) he could not officiate or walk in the procession of Corpus Christi. Cardinal d'Osma, whose mass it was, officiated for him, and did it so well that he looked like a real Pope. (fn. 12) All Your Majesty's servants were present, and felt proud on the occasion; all the rest were envious, and His Most Reverend Cardinal of Agramonte (Gabriel de Grammont) among others suddenly quitted the church—which has been the most strange thing that ever was seen, and given rise to much gossiping and scandal. As to the cardinal [d'Osma] he was much honoured on the occasion; all the Spaniards in Rome, and great concourse of other people headed by him (Mai) accompanying him to the Palace whereat he is dwelling.
Those deputed to take the cardinal's hats for the archbishops of Seville (fn. 13) and Santiago [de Compostela] were ready to start on their journey when His Lordship's letter of the 23rd of May came to hand, requesting that they should not depart immediately but wait for new orders. Has intimated to them the Emperor's wishes, but cannot help saying that the agents of the two said archbishops were much disappointed, and could not make out what the reason could be. The bulls for the cardinal bishop of Burgos (fn. 14) are getting ready; they are made out from the day he was voted at Bologna, though it was thought at first that Tarbes would oppose it. He has not, that I know of, offered any contradiction, but I apprehend there will be some difficulty, for those of Seville. Those for the coronation of the king of the Romans were also ready, but the leaden seal broke, and a new one is being cast.
Master Juan del Cuello Tuerto, the courier, called yesterday upon me, when I was at dinner with several Roman gentlemen, and asked for reward for the good news (fn. 15) concerning the bishopric of Urgel, which he said the Emperor had conferred upon me, and though I told him that my letters said nothing of the sort, the news has spread through Rome, and there is hardly one cardinal who has not sent to congratulate me upon this occasion.—Rome, 10th June 1531.
Signed: "Mai."
Addressed: "To the very illustrious and magnificent lord the High Commander of Leon, first secretary, and of the Privy Council, &c."
Spanish. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet pp. 6.


1 "Y en verdad que su Santd. abhomina esto que a atentado el Rey de Inglaterra."
2 "Et que faisant della le pape a son appetit, de par deça il feroit au sìen."
3 "Et se bouttant secretement lung lautre quant yl y avoit points que touchoint au vifz."
4 "Dar algund corte y medio en lo que agora corre, de manera que V. M saliese con honrra y con algund buen fin contra lo que el Rey de francia procura."
5 Jacopo Albolotto (?) See above pp. 180 aud 132.
6 A marginal note in the handwriting of Covos, has the following: "With regard to this point Miçer Mai is to be told that His Holiness has certainly acted with great liberality towards the French, since he once refused doing the same respecting the Spanish bishoprics which were of a different quality, the Emperor having the right in his favour besides the concession of pope Adrian."
7 "El escudier Francisco es llegado á Roma," as in Muxetula's despatch. See above No. 742, p. 180.
8 "Aunque tiene aviso que es venido mandato solamente para contradezir, lo qual es calumpuia magnìfiesta, y nos embargará un mes ó poco mas." The paragraph stands thus in Mai's original (despatch at Simancas, though not in Bergenroth's copy which, like many others in the collection, is not faithfully made out, as I have had occasion to observe in the Introduction. See above, p. 180.
9 "Y esto por que no temen lo del Concilio en tanto aqui no tenemos remedio de desviarlo sino toviessemos otro orden por que todos los inconveuieutes que yo he alcanzado como de mio ya los he dichos, y Su Santidad los conosee, pero temo que al fin hará lo que le plazerá."
10 "De manera que serian a mi pareze, y aun al de ellos meiores para nosotros las vistas allá que no acá ó a lo menos tan buenae. Y si an de ser acá que sean despues del pan partido.''
11 In Spanish "gota podagra."
12 "Hizolo (el officio) nuestro señor de Osma, cuya era la missa y á la verdad tambien que parescia papa."
13 The archbishop of Seville at this time was Don Alfonso Manrique; that of Santiago de Compostela D. Fernando Tavera.
14 Don Iñígo de Mendoza, bishop of Burgos.
15 Albricias (from the arabic al-bishayir) is a Spanish word meaning the reward or gratuity claimed by the bearer of good unexpected news.