Spain
January 1532, 1-10

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1882

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352-362

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'Spain: January 1532, 1-10', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2: 1531-1533 (1882), pp. 352-362. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87756 Date accessed: 28 November 2014.


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January 1532, 1-10

4 Jan.880. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien·Rep.·P.Fasc.,
c. 227, No. 1.
As Dr. Benoit (Benet) was about to start [for France] he sent a message to the Queen begging her pardon for having been working against her. He had been, he said, and was still, compelled to do so; yet no one of her servants bore her more good will, or wished more for her welfare; none prayed God more earnestly for the preservation of her Royal state, in which (he fully believed) she would most certainly remain notwithstanding all the schemes which the King and his solicitors might institute against her. Dr. Benet further informed her that this was the fit time, if ever, for pressing her business [at Rome], and for requesting Your Majesty to make the most strenuous efforts such as the importance of the case and the pusillanimity and indifference of the Pope required— to have the case sentenced. He further assured her that never at any time had her affairs been in so propitious a state as at present, and again repeated his advice that she and her friends and servants should now act with decision, and not let slip this opportunity.
Accordingly, though the Queen had actually written to Your Majesty the letter which I forwarded four days ago, (fn. 1) yet she ordered me to beg Your Majesty for fresh commendatory epistles to the Pope and to those who have charge of your affairs [at Rome].
On Monday the first of this present month, towards evening, there came here a servant of Dr. Benoit (Benet), who had left Rome on the 17th of December last, bringing news that the Pope had fixed the day after the Epiphany for hearing in Consistory what the advocates of the King and Queen had to say respectively about the interference or non-interference of the King's excusator (Karne) in the affair. The same messenger also related how the Pope had in full Consistory reproached the English ambassadors for the blameable treatment of the Queen by the King, her husband, especially during the last five or six months ; which intelligence was by no means agreeable to him, and accordingly on Tuesday last he dispatched Dr. Faulx (Fox) to the Papal Nuncio, to complain of his having no doubt reported to Rome about his treatment of the Queen, which, he maintained, had always been proper and royal, and such as befitted a princess of her rank, having, as he said, provided for her train as amply as ever, without having curtailed in the least her revenue or household. After which the messenger stated in the King's name that it was neither the Pope's nor the Imperialists' province to interfere in such matters. "Even supposing (the messenger said) that she (the Queen) was not—as the Imperialists affirmed and maintained—this king's legitimate wife, nobody could find fault with him or any other husband if he chose to live for a time away from her, owing to many reasons and considerations which need not be disclosed." The Nuncio's answer was, that he had not, that he knew of, written things about the King that he ought not to mention, and that on the day after, which was yesterday, he would see him on business, and answer the charge personally.
This took place, for yesterday the Nuncio called at the Royal Palace, when the King failed not to speak to him on the subject, entering into many particulars as to his own treatment of the Queen, the house that had been destined for her abode, the revenue set apart for her, her household, &c. The Nuncio again denied having written home anything but what was quite notorious. He fully (he said) believed everything the King had said respecting the Queen's treatment, and yet could not help thinking that if he (the King) were to recall her to Court, no harm whatever would be done to his cause, and he might thereby stop the slander of thousands of tongues. Hearing which the King seemed greatly confused for a while, and almost shed tears. Some time after which he went on to say that if he had brought about a separation it was only in consequence of the wrong done to him by this suit (de l'injure du procés), and the great arrogance of the Queen, who was continually threatening him with Your Majesty's interference in the affair.
The Nuncio having then inquired, at my request, whether Dr. Benoit (Benet) had or not taken a procuration to Rome, the King answered vaguely that he (the Doctor) had come to England solely on private business of his own (which is a downright falsehood), and that as he (the King) believed it to be agreeable to the Pope he had sent him back with a full and resolute declaration of his will. The King, moreover, complained of the short delays granted to him [at Rome] though he did not fail to excuse the Pope for not doing more in his favour. "I have no doubt (he said) that the Pope truly loves me, but such is his fear of the Emperor that he dares do nothing against his will."
Then upon the Nuncio saying that he had received letters from his friends at Rome stating that the Pope was very much astonished at not having been informed beforehand of the endeavours he (the King) had made and was making at the Court of France to promote war against Your Majesty, the king answered rather in a passion that it was all a falsehood and a lie (inventions et menteries), but that though he was not so inclined at present he could not tell how he might feel in future.
The Queen having been forbidden to write letters or send messages to the King, and yet wishing to fulfil her duty towards him in every respect, caused to be presented to him on New Year's Day, by one of the gentlemen of the chamber, a gold cup of great value and singular workmanship, (fn. 2) the gift being offered in the most humble and appropriate terms for the occasion. The King, however, not only refused to accept the present, but seemed at first very angry with the gentleman who had undertaken to bring it. Yet it appears that two or three hours afterwards the King himself desired to see the cup again, praised much its shape and workmanship, and fearing lest the gentleman of his chamber who had received it from the Queen's messenger should take it back immediately—in which case the Queen might have it presented again before the courtiers (devant tout le monde), when he (the King) could not well refuse its acceptance—he ordered the gentleman not to give the cup back until the evening, which was accordingly done, and it was then returned to the Queen. The King, moreover, has sent her no New Year's gift on this occasion, but has, I hear, forbidden the members of his Privy Council, as well as the gentlemen of his chamber, and others to comply with the said custom.
The King used also on New Year's Day to send [presents] to the ladies of the Queen's Household, and to those of the Princess, but this custom, hitherto faithfully observed, has now been discontinued, (fn. 3) and no present has been sent, which is a sign to me that unless some prompt remedy be applied the state of the Queen and of her daughter, the Princess, will become worse and worse every day. The King has not been equally uncourteous towards the Lady from whom he has accepted certain darts, worked in the Biscayan fashion, richly ornamented, and presented her in return rich hangings for one room, and a bed covered with gold and silver cloth, crimson satin, and embroidery richer than all the rest (fn. 4) The Lady [Anne], moreover, is still lodging where the Queen formerly was, and during the late festivities has been attended by almost the same number of the ladies as the Queen herself had formerly in her suite, as if she were already a Queen.
After the manner in which the auditor of the Rota, (fn. 5) who came here as Papal Nuncio on his way to Scotland, has been treated he has at last been allowed to proceed to that kingdom, with permission to exercise whenever he should happen to pass through certain Papal faculties, such as dispensations and others with which the Pope has invested him. I cannot say whether the permission has been granted with a view to persuade the said Auditor and the Papal Nuncio here to report favourably to Rome on his treatment of the Queen, for this morning a courier has been dispatched thither, the same who had lately come from Court, with orders to take charge of the Nuncio's despatches, though they will probably assure me that he had no orders to that effect.—London, 4th January 1532.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor"
French. Holograph, pp. 4.
10 Jan.881. Dr. Garay to the Emperor.
P. Neg. Pap. de
Sim. 1,483, No. 20.
B.M.Add. 28,584,
f. 159.
More at leisure, though not quite at ease respecting the Queen's case. I thought that it would not be amiss to refute in my own vernacular tongue the errors and heresies of Martin Luther, for although Your Majesty knows Latin, I imagined the subject might be better treated and understood in Spanish. I did it that Your Majesty might completely refute those German princes, who, ill-advised, have fallen into the great error of Lutheranism. If I have been presumptuous enough to undertake a task of this sort, which should be reserved for people of more learning and abilities than myself, and especially more acquainted with the Spanish language than I am, let it be imputed to my ardent desire of serving Your Majesty. After 22 years spent in this city of Paris, dealing exclusively with foreigners, conversing in Latin or French, no wonder if I can hardly speak much less write in Spanish on such speculative matters as this one of the last Sacrament, on which Aecolampadius, Luther's disciple, is now preaching and interlarding with every sort of blasphemy against our Faith.
Your Imperial Majesty's decree at Augsburg against the Lutherans has been so much approved of here by these Paris theologians that they have decided to have it printed. I have remarked one thing among others in that document, which has given me immense satisfaction, namely, that a General Council is announced as likely to take place soon.
With regard to the queen of England, Your Majesty's ambassador and myself have done all that was in our power. We approve entirely of Your Majesty's determination that no more be said respecting Her Highness' right at this Faculty of Theology. That appertains to Rome, where exclusively of any other town or city the suit is to be tried and sentenced. True, at the very beginning my opinion was that the Pope might well by means of commissaries expressly deputed for that purpose take cognizance of the cause in this city and kingdom, sure as I was that they would have enough work in their hands to inquire into the bare-faced effrontery, bribery, and corruption practised by the English agents, which once proved might be quite sufficient to induce His Holiness to pronounce sentence; but since my advice was not followed, and it is now too late to retrace our steps, we had better leave things as they are for fear they should get worse.
Meanwhile the Imperial ambassador is trying to get back the signatures that were forcibly taken from me, because there are among them some who, though not present at the last meeting of the Faculty, are in our favour, and many others who having in the first instance signed a conclusion favourable to the Queen, did after that sign a contrary one. Let also the book where the conclusions (determinaciones) of the Faculty are registered be produced, because when the matter comes to be properly investigated it will be found that the Queen has right on her side, and cannot fail to gain her suit. Indeed, had these Parisian doctors, as I have had the honour to inform Your Majesty, discovered that the king [of England] was in the right, they would long ago have given all we ask of them, such is the good-will they bear Your Majesty : but now they know that in doing so they must fall into disrepute, and are condemned to eternal shame. For this reason I was always of opinion that Your Majesty ought to press the Pope to give sentence, as he cannot but do justice to the Queen. I have in my favour a statute of this university—of which I am trying to procure a copy— which prescribes that this Faculty of Theology can nowise debate or decide in cases of importance without a majority of two-thirds of those present. As soon as I get it I will forward it to Your Majesty.—Paris, 10th January 1532.
Signed: "Garay.''
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Spanish. Holograph, pp. 4.
10 Jan.882. The marquis del Guasto (Vasto) to the Same.
S. E. L. No. 1,776.
B. M. Add. 28,584,
f. 161.
Hears through his spies that Andrea Doria by means of the Pope has already entered, or is about to enter into an agreement with France. Wonders why the Imperial ambassadors at Rome have not informed him of it; perhaps they have written to the Emperor, but as to himself (the Marquis) he has had no notice whatever of it. Cannot possibly give the name of his informer because he wants first to find out the truth in another matter of no less importance, to ascertain which he is about to take post to Rome and return immediately here. Will not fail to acquaint His Majesty with the result of his inquiries.
Has heard likewise that the king of France has already appointed colonels and captains for 15,000 men he intends raising in Switzerland, and that they are only waiting for a second order.—Buse, 10th January 1532.
Signed : "El Marqués del Gasto."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and most Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original, pp. 2.
11 Jan.883. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.
c. 227. No. 2.
Your Majesty's letter of the 17th December last with its postscript of the 23rd was duly received.
With regard to the mission of Maystre Jehan de la Saulx, as I have at present no particular business to treat at Court, without which, as Your Majesty knows, it is not customary here for ambassadors to go to the King, I am unable yet to give particulars, I only know that he (Le Sauch) started off, and must already have arrived at Court. I hear, however, from one of the merchants, for whom the King sent some time ago, in order to advise with him and his colleagues as to the best answer to be given to those of London, that the King, the courtiers, and merchants in general, are very much preoccupied with the affair, and that the present commercial crisis is entirely attributed by the latter to those parties, who through their negligence and complete disregard for their neighbours and the rest of the World have brought matters to this state. But the said merchant, my informer, was of opinion that the ability and kindness (bouté et humanité) of Your Majesty would in the end conquer the said difficulties. I tried likewise to ascertain from the said merchant what measures of retaliation were likely to be taken should Your Majesty alter in any way the present rules for the intercourse of trade, and he told me after long deliberation with his colleagues that should the ports of the Low Countries and Spain be effectually shut against them, they really should not know where to send their goods, and should have no other course left but to throw themselves on Your Majesty's pity.
Respecting the bishop of Rochester (Fisher), I will inform him as soon as possible of the paragraphs in Your Majesty's letter that concern him ; this will be done in writing and through a third person, as there is no other means at present of communicating with that prelate, for he has lately sent me word that should we meet anywhere in public I must not appear to know him, or make any attempt whatever to speak. He himself would do the same, and begged to be excused if he took no notice of me until the present storm had blown away. As I have sure means, without the least danger, of maintaining the Bishop in his good intentions, I will omit no trouble to keep him to his purpose, forgetting nothing that may be conducive to the good issue of the affair in hand, or likely to promote in any way the Queen's interests.
The agreement lately made by the Switzers has, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty, been joyfully received here by these people, owing to the French being also very glad of it, and their boasting and bragging that it has been brought about through their interference, and likewise because this king and his ministers think that, had the present quarrel lasted, it could only have terminated, to Your Majesty's profit and advantage. Indeed, whilst debating this Swiss question with me, La Pommeraye, (fn. 6) the ambassador, did the other day try to persuade me with his meagre arguments that the quarrel of the five cantons could not be supported here more effectually than that of the other [eight], alleging that the Holy Scriptures do not recommend or allow the punishment and destruction of a whole race for the sake of making them return to their former Faith ; (fn. 7) and, moreover, that the King, his master, had achieved a very meritorious work in Christendom by causing the said Swiss cantons to come to an agreement together. Wishing further to specify the advantages to be derived from the said agreement, La Pommeraye seemed to hint that France was the only really Christian country [in Europe] ; yet he could shew no other reason for his assertion except that the Swiss were people well able to defend France and the French monarchy (so did he call it) against the whole of the Germans, should the latter attempt to stir against his master. (fn. 8)
My answer to this cunning remark and others of the French ambassador was as pertinent as possible, shewing him that fear of Germany or of any other country in the World ought not to deter the king of France from favouring the Catholic party in Switzerland, for if they (the Lutheran cantons) did faithfully observe the treaties concluded with Your Majesty, as I had no doubt they would, there was no necessity for the preservation of the French monarchy (as he chose to call it) of the favour and aid of the said Switzers or of any other nation [in Europe]. This La Pommeraye would not readily grant, and, therefore, after long talking and much humorous repartee on both sides, (fn. 9) I said to him smiling: "You may or may not believe my predictions, but I cannot help thinking that in this affair the French will be exactly like those people who withdraw a criminal from the hands of justice; not only are they the first to repent of what they have done, but in the end they themselves receive injury from the very parties they tried to save from just punishment. It might indeed happen (said I) that the [Lutheran] Switzers fall upon you [the French] in preference to any other nation, for which they lack neither opportunity nor occasion, owing to their close neighbourhood, and especially to the injuries they received at Marignano and other places, which they have not yet forgotten, and also to the money owed to them (principal and interest) from times of old, which is the chief cause of their hostility. If the Lutheran sect continue to spread and increase (pulluler), it is to be feared that their false prophets may give them to understand that it is holier and better for them to wage war on their neighbours and try to spread their sect than to march against the Turk, and that by dint of such persuasions they may be inclined to act as the lanskenets once did, when they some years ago marched into Lorraine." These arguments of mine caused La Pommeraye to remain some time thoughtful, with his head down, without replying anything, save that in case of attack from the Lutherans they (the French) would be on their guard and defend themselves.
With regard to the German business, about which I wrote to Your Majesty [on the 21st ultº], I have tried as much as I could to get at the truth, but have not yet been able to learn anything certain. True, I was told at the time that those of Cleves spoke of a marriage in contemplation between the princess [Mary] and their young Duke; but believing the report not to stand on sufficient authority, I forbore from mentioning it in my despatch until I should obtain more certain information, as I wrote to Monseigneur de Grandvelle lately. When the King, who is expected here in a couple of days, shall arrive I have no doubt that one way or other I shall be able to arrive at the truth.
I fancy that the bishop of Winchester (Stephen Gardyner) does not find matters in France as well prepared as he imagined, for Dr. Benoit (Benet), who had been ordered to Rome in all haste, is still there, and will not take his departure until the return to France of a courier dispatched by the said Bishop, who arrived here yesterday, accompanied by another one to the French ambassadors. I cannot say for certain whether the French courier comes to offer the King's excuses for not doing what this one asks of him ; but I am rather inclined to think that such is the nature of the despatches he has brought for La Pommeraye, and that the French king wishes to justify his answer to the Bishop (Gardyner). Some one tells me that the said La Pommeraye had presented to the King a long instrument, sealed with the arms of France, which they suspect is a new treaty of league and confederacy, for the confirmation of which the Bishop (they say) went to France. However this may be, I do not hesitate to say that I have been hitherto unable to obtain reliable information on this point. Certain it is that the French ambassadors have been twice to see the King during these festivals of the Nativity, but as they have not communicated with the Privy Councillors more frequently or privately than on other occasions, when they had ordinary business to transact, I suspect that the work they now have in hand is neither important nor new.
I have been told that Dr. Benoit (Benet) has been intrusted by the King, his master, in case the Pope should positively refuse to submit the cause to him (ne veulle soubmettre la cause) to come back immediately [to England], and challenge His Holiness as a suspicious and hostile judge. (fn. 10) Perhaps these people are now soliciting France to do the same, alleging that when that country declared war against Your Majesty they (the English) made common cause, and did also challenge Your Majesty to single combat. Such, indeed, is the blindness of these people that any construction one may put on their present conduct appears natural!
I had forgotten to mention, whilst writing about the French ambassadors, that on one of their visits to Court Jean Jocquin went alone, and presented to the King in the name of the duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d'Este) two hawks. (fn. 11) Also that at this very hour two worthy merchants of this city have called on me to inquire whether it be true according to common report that a warrant has been issued in Holland forbidding the introduction of woollen cloth manufactured in this country, (fn. 12) for they were, they said, mightily afraid of such prohibition. On this account the merchants spoke to me with tears in their eyes, as of a measure most detrimental and ruinous to their interests.
Since the mere announcement of such a prohibition gives these people a head-ache, one may easily conjecture that the merchants and traders of this country will be greatly concerned at it, for they fail not, as I said before, to throw all the blame on the King and the divorce suit, and to say that subjects in this case suffer for the fault of their king. I firmly believe that if the suspicion of such prohibition spread on this side of the Channel, it may be the means of making this king acknowledge his error. (fn. 13) —London, 11th January anno XXXII. (fn. 14)
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England, 11th January. Received on the 28th at Cologne, one half hour after noon."
French. Holograph, pp. 3½.
15 Jan.884. Miçer Mai to the Same.
S. E. L. 857, f. 58.
B. M. Add. 28,584,
f. 183.
As I wrote in my despatch of the 12th ultº, the moment that the Rota decided by a majority of votes not to admit the English excusator Dr. Benet took post and returned home.
Before his departure, however, he spoke courteously to His Holiness (cipher;) and I have since heard that the Pope also spoke kindly to him, promising to wait for the answer, and not to innovate or go on with the cause in the meanwhile.
(Common writing:) The English ambassadors in the meantime asked that the cause should be disputed in public. To save time and remove obstacles I consented; after this they applied for a delay that they might bring advocates and lawyers from without Rome. This I opposed as strongly as I could, and in the end, after many conversations and much earnestness (diligencias) on both sides, a delay was granted till the day after the Epiphany, the Pope promising at the time, as he has since written to Your Majesty, that on no account would he grant a further one.
As the term approached and my lawyers were ready for the disputation I heard that the English were saying that they had been unable to procure lawyers, and that the fault was mine. I was naturally hurt at this and went to the Pope and explained to him as well as to the cardinals one by one that Your Majesty could not put up with such trickery (vellaquerias). and that the wickedness of the English ambassadors exceeded all bounds. All those I spoke to, including the Pope, agreed with me, and yet they dared not declare openly in this cause, saying that reason and justice were certainly on my side, but that I ought not for various considerations to press the English so hard. I have said to His Holiness all I could say without absolutely coming to a rupture with him. I told him that he denied us justice, and threw discredit upon the Queen's case and Your Majesty's authority; and half complaining, half threatening, made him understand that I should be obliged to apply elsewhere for the justice that was denied to me at Rome. He ought to bear in mind that it was justice, independently of consequences, that we were all bound in common to maintain. It was to regulate these that justice had been ordained, and yet His Holiness wanted to make justice subservient to them. (fn. 15) However much I told him on this subject the Pope always owned that I was right, but nevertheless in two consecutive consistories held after the Epiphany, and one more this very morning, each lasting three hours and more, the cardinals have resolved to grant another delay till the end of this month. This, after all, would not be so injurious, were there no more suspensions of the proceedings, as they themselves say and promise; but I really believe (cipher:) that as long as the suspicion and dread of the Council last (common writing:) whatever our exertions to procure a sentence may be, these people will not do more than they have done hitherto, especially as the English have lately indulged in so many calumnious reports that it is to be supposed that they will always find something to catch hold of. (fn. 16)
Such at least is my way of thinking. It might also be that they (the cardinals) were moved by some other mighty consideration, for after all the matter is undoubtedly an important one; but I cannot in any way account for it because the trial has already lasted long enough, and they must know that considerations of this sort have very small weight with the English, and therefore ought to be put on one side.
Here we see no other way for the conclusion of this affair than to press on, as we have always done, without coming to an open rupture. It is for that that we lose no opportunity of pointing out in the best possible manner the feelings of Your Majesty and how displeased you must be at the delay of the sentence. That conduct I intend to follow until we come to the end, unless Your Majesty orders me [to stop]. This is also the opinion of those here who wish to serve Your Majesty, of all the lawyers employed in this case, as well as of those of the Queen, and of another whom I have lately engaged for her, one of the best at Rome, and so we hope we shall at last come to the end, for they cannot grant further delay without confessing that what they used to call consideration (respetos) turns out to be simply injury.
The abbot of Nero, (fn. 17) lately arrived from France, has told His Holiness that he met Dr. Benet in that country, and that there was some hope of his bringing here something that might turn out well. I very much doubt, as I have told His Holiness, of any good coming from that quarter, because letters from England state that king Henry had invited him of France to break entirely with Your Majesty, and that in order to bring about such a rupture he was actually making the most brilliant offers. There is also a report, though I have yet been unable to trace it to an authentic source, that the king of England has already married his lady love secretly, which, in my opinion, could not be done unless he was in perfect understanding with France, and that the two kings were quite sure of each other.
Dr. Ortiz has applied to the Pope for a brief ordering the King, under pain of excommunication, to separate from his mistress, and although I doubt whether they will grant it, having once refused it to us at Bologna, and again here at Rome, yet I will insist until they refuse a third time.—Rome, 15th January 1532.
Signed.: "Mai."
Addressed: "To his most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher.

Footnotes

1 See above No. 877.
2 "Luy fist lautre jour presenter pour son novel (sic) an par ung de ceux de sa chambre, une coppe d'ort de grand prix et singulier façon."
3 "A ete raye ceste annee."
4 "De la quelle yl a accepte certains dards (?) faytz a la biscayne richement accoustrez, et pour recompense yl luy a donne une chambre tapissee avec le liet de drap d'or d'argent et satin cramoisie avec riches broderies de plus hault prix que la reste."
5 About this Auditor, see above, p. 337.
6 Giles de la Pomeraie.
7 "La Pomeraye ma parle bien avant du dit affere des suysses jusques a moy vouloer persuader par ses froydes raysons que la querelle des cinq cantons en ce endroit nestoit plus sustentable que lautre, disant que la Saincte Escripture ne permet que lon puysse enforcer ne chastier tout ung peuple pour le tourner a la foy."
8 "Venant a particulariser le diet bien yl vouloit innuyr que seullement France estoit chrestiennc, car yl ne sçeust alleguer autre bien sinon qu'ilz estoint gens pour ayder a garder la France et la monarchie de son maystre (ainsy la nommait et baptisoit-yl) mesme contre linvasion de la reste dAllemagne."
9 "Pour quoy apres plusieurs propoz de gaudisserie qu' eusmes ensemble, luy dis tout en riant," &c.
10 "Et alleguera Sa Sainctete pour suspecte et enemye."
11 The word used is "sacre" in Spanish and French, "saker" in old English.
12 "S'il estoit vray que lon eust prohibe en Holande de forger les draps d'icy que lon disoit, dont ils avoint tres grande craincte. A ceste cause me parloient [ilz] fort pitoyablemant jusques la larme aux yeux comme de la chose plus preiudiciable [a leurs interests] que pourroit advenir. Et puisque le fumiere (sonnerie?) de telles nouvelles leur fayt desirer douloer la teste, lon peust penser si le cas tiroit avant quilz en soient [fort chagrins.]"
13 "Les dits marchans ont eux mesmes incontinent respecte (rejecté) la culpe de cecy sur le divorce, concluant en effet que les subjects suffroint pour la culpe du Roy ; et si ceste suspicion tomboit aux autres de ce couste, je pense que lon donneroit appetit au dit Roy de cognoistre sa culpe et erreur."
14 "A note on the dorso of this despatch states what follows. Instead of aº XXXI. as in the original of Chapuys, anno XXXII. ought to be read. The arrival of Le Sauch in London took place in November 1531, and the Emperor was at Cologne on the 25th of January of the ensuing year, leaving it on the 29th to go to Bonn.
15 "Que era la justitia la que obligaba y no los respetos de inconvenientes, y que la justicia fue hallada por ataiar los iuconvenientcs y que Su Santd. queria que los inconvenientes atajassen la justicia."
16 "Mayormente que habiendose descarado (desatado ?) los angleses a tan abiertamente malignar, siempre tendran algun asidero."
17 Nero is the name of an abbey and sanctuary, otherwise called Montenero, in the territory of Livorno. The abbot was a relative of Andrea Doria, called "Erasmo." See vol. iii. part 2, pp. 765, 767, &c.