Spain
August 1532, 1-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1882

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491-499

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'Spain: August 1532, 1-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2: 1531-1533 (1882), pp. 491-499. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87767 Date accessed: 27 November 2014.


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August 1532, 1-31

9 Aug.982. The Emperor to the Empress.
S.E.Aleman.L.636,
ff. 168-9.
B.M. Add. 28,585,
f. 75.
The Turk was not at Buda on the day of Santiago as reported. The overflow of the Danube seems to have prevented him.
Now that it is ascertained that the Turk is marching against Germany many gentlemen and knights come from all parts of the Empire, and principally from those Spanish dominions of ours to join in this war.
Rodrigo Enriquez has arrived in Genoa.
News of the Imperial fleet.
Is well aware of the great financial difficulties under which Spain is labouring, but nevertheless must insist upon having the money he has asked for.
Is satisfied that in all churches and convents daily prayers be said for the delivery of Christendom from the most dreadful scourge that ever fell on it.
The king of Portugal (Dom João III.) has been asked to give assistance.
The frontiers of the kingdom on the side of France to be carefully watched.
The services of Licte Pisa in the "Quarta "and in the matrimonial cause of England will be fully acknowledged and remunerated. A copy of the work which he says he has written for the good administration of those our kingdoms must be sent that it may be examined by competent persons. Let it not be printed until our Council give him permission. (fn. 1)
On Saturday last, the 27th of July, the Diet was closed. An agreement was come to with the duke of Saxony and his adherents on matters of Faith, so that all the estates of the German confederation have now made their submission and promised, among other things, to keep the peace throughout the sacred Empire, and help against the Turk, in which last service those who, owing to their differences in matters of Faith once made difficulties, are now shewing as good inclination as the rest, as well as in the general affairs of the Empire, and chiefly in those which concern the administration of justice and policy of towns. The question of Faith and Christian religion being referred to the next General Council or in another way to the Imperial diet, it has been agreed that until then no innovation shall be made or allowed.—Ratisbon 9th August, 1532.
Signed: "Yo el Rey.''
Countersigned: "Covos."
Spanish. Original in cipher. Deciphering by the Empress' secretary, pp. 5.
21 Aug.983. Memorandum respecting the Swiss cantons.
S.E.L. 1,559,
f. 63.
B. M. Add. 28,585.
f. 77.
The ambassador who went to Switzerland writes that the king of France excuses himself, saying that if he asked for a number of men to be enlisted, it was not for an attack on the Turks, but merely to defend Provence in case that Infidel should make a descent on that coast. He, nevertheless, assures them that he is concerting with the king of England the means of successfully attacking the enemy of Christendom.
After all neither the "heretical" nor the "Christian" cantons of Switzerland intend sending troops to the French king; on the contrary, they seem disposed to help the duke of Savoy (Carlo). The Emperor can at any time take them into his pay, if he wishes. The Swiss are to hold a Diet on the 3rd of September next at Basilea (Basle) and expect that an Imperial ambassador will go thither as commissary.
Indorsed: "The memorandum sent to Rome with the despatch of the 21st August 1532."
Spanish. Original draft. English abstract by Bergenroth. p. 1.
21 Aug.984. Dr. Ortiz to the Emperor.
S. E. Rom. L. 858,
f. 158.
B. M. Add. 28,585
f. 78.
Wrote some days ago reporting on the state of the matrimonial cause, and of His Holiness' answer, confirmed also by cardinal Ancona, when requested to issue the second declaratory brief. It is evident to him (Ortiz) that when so learned a lawyer and canonist as cardinal Ancona says that he wants three or four days to study the case, and to give an answer, these Romans are looking out for an excuse to have it delayed. Already Ancona is indisposed, or feigns to be so, and whenever he (Ortiz) calls at his hotel, the answer is that he is not well and can receive no one. On the other hand, His Holiness has lately been suffering from fever and ague, and although he is already free from it he has not given him audience. Hopes, however, that he will have one soon and convince the Pope of the necessity of issuing at once the second declaratory brief, for if His Holiness do not excommunicate the king of England this time, as he is bound to do, he (Ortiz) can do nothing in the principal cause.
Is afraid that all this delay is only intended for the purpose of letting the king of England know of it, the more so that insisting since, as he (Ortiz) has done, upon the brief being made out and sent, he has never been able to see the Pope again, whilst his opponents the English are daily admitted to his presence. This would shew that His Holiness has betrayed the secret he was bound to keep, and has told the English of the danger that menaces them. If so he has not acted well, for it was agreed between them that the whole thing should be kept a profound secret until the brief was made out and actually executed. Is also afraid that in consequence of this the Queen will be worse treated, though cardinal Burgos (Don Iñigo de Mendoça) maintains that there is no fear of that, and that the more favourable her cause at Rome and the chance of success greater, the more esteemed and honoured will the Queen be in England.
Since the above was written he (Ortiz) has had an audience from His Holiness. Relates his conversation and his arguments to persuade the Pope of the necessity of issuing the declaratory brief for the King's excommunication. Said to him, among other things, that king Henry was living in mortal sin, and that he (the Pope) would be answerable before God on the day of judgment if he did not immediately fulminate against him the censures of the Church. The Pope said in answer, that in his opinion the king of England was sinning mortally, but many might say that the custom in England was for kings to be on friendly and intimate terms with the ladies [of the Court], and that it would be impossible to prove that the King had any other connexion with the Lady. As to his not leading a conjugal life with his queen the King could easily excuse himself on that head with conscientious scruples, &c.
Replied suitably to the above objections, until at last the Pope said: "Draw out the brief and bring it to me." "It is already drawn out and Your Holiness saw it eight months ago after it had been approved of by cardinal Ancona. Having been considered too diffuse and rather strongly worded, it was corrected by Blosio and with Ancona's approbation put on one side when it was thought of trying first the brief of monition." "Well then," replied His Holiness, "let Ancona and Monte examine the minute again that it may be in order."
With this promise he (Ortiz) has called three times upon the secretary (Blosio), who tells him he cannot lay his hand upon the draft that he made at the time; his (Ortiz's) will not do because Blosio says it must be written in his own individual style. Begged him to make another ; has promised that he will if he cannot find the first. Cannot help thinking, however, that it will be some time before the brief is put into his (Ortiz's) hands, and that he will be obliged to see the Pope about it more than once.
One of the signs of the pertinacious adherence with which heretics generally hold to their erroneous opinions is, according to theologians, that those who preach erroneous doctrines in matters of religion are generally favoured, whilst those who preach Catholic truth are incarcerated and persecuted, as happens in these our miserable times in England, for Master Abel writes from that country, that he has been persecuted and imprisoned because, taking up the Queen's part, he has refuted the arguments brought forward in other sermons. Shewed His Holiness Master Abel's letter, and asked him for a brief forbidding, under pain of excommunication, to preach against the marriage pending the suit, and also to give the said Abel the title of Apostolic preacher. Has promised that he will, and ordered the minutes to be made out accordingly, &c.— Rome, 21st August 1532.
Signed : "El Doctor Ortiz."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty the Emperor and King."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
21 Aug.985. The Same to the High Commander.
S.E. L. Rom. 858,
f. 159.
B.M. Add. 28,585,
f. 84.
Is in receipt of two of his letters of the 21st of June and 2nd of August.
The matrimonial cause of England is in the state described in the despatch to the Emperor to which he refers.—Rome, 21st August 1532.
Signed: "El Dr. Ortiz."
Addressed: "To the very illustrious the High Commander of Leon, secretary and councillor to the Emperor."
Spanish. Holograph. p. 1.
26 Aug.986. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien·Rep.P.Fasc.
c. 227, No. 37.
My letter of the 11th inst. must have acquainted Your Majesty with the proposed interview of these two kings at Calais, for the accomplishment of which several ships and other smaller craft are being fitted out. They say that almost all the grand officers (grans maystres) in the kingdom, four bishops, namely, London, Bath, Lincoln, and Winchester, and 200 or 300 gentlemen have received orders to be at Canterbury on the 25th of September next. The whole suite will consist of 3,000 or 4,000 persons. Though the ambassador of France, when he last called on me, assured me most positively that there would be no ladies at the interview, neither on this side nor on the other, yet I am rather inclined to think otherwise considering the great preparations the Lady Anne is making, and the long train of female servants she is getting ready for the expedition, as the Queen informs me for a fact. Indeed, I find there is a rumour afloat that the first meeting will take place at Boulogne, and that thence the two kings will go to Calais, where they will not make a long stay, for I am told that the provision ordered from the royal purveyors for both kings at Calais is only for four days. Respecting the matters to be discussed or treated at the said meeting, I must own that hitherto I have been unable to learn anything besides what I mentioned in my last despatch to Your Imperial Majesty; only float they are beginning to speak more openly and distinctly of a marriage between this king and the eldest daughter of France, and that there have been heavy bets offered by merchants of the latter nation that the said marriage will take place. But in my humble opinion, if the French really entertain such a hope, they must be most egregiously mistaken, or else the Lady [Anne] must be labouring under a strange delusion, for she considers herself so sure of success that not later than a week ago she wrote a letter to her principal friend and favourite here, whom she holds as sister and companion, bidding her get ready against this journey and interview, where, she says, that which she has been so long wishing for will be accomplished.
Several days ago I represented to the Papal Nuncio how injurious it would be for the authority and reputation of the Holy Apostolic See, and how humiliating for the Pope himself, if either of the two marriages above alluded to should be arranged at this meeting, for the French king would then become a party to it, and His Holiness be obliged either to act unjustly towards the Queen and her adherents, or else provoke the enmity of these two kings. I proved to him that this dangerous dilemma arose solely from the Pope's delay in having the case tried and determined, and that the only remedy consisted in a prompt and definitive sentence affording the king of France sufficient excuse and opportunity for not complying with the wishes of this one; or else that His Holiness should at once decree comminatory briefs so as to prevent altogether the negotiations for either marriage.
These arguments of mine the Papal Nuncio has found good, reasonable, and opportune. He has actually written home for greater security through two different channels, and I have no doubt that should a few ships be armed in Flanders under some pretence or other the interview would not take place, for these people would naturally take umbrage at such an armament, and try to increase the number of their ships, and in the meantime the season for navigating would pass, and the proposed meeting not take place to the great disappointment of some of the parties concerned. Such is my opinion in this affair, and I beg to be excused, if not having been consulted upon such matters, I make bold to propose the means of preventing the interview of these two kings ; my ardent wish to serve Your Imperial Majesty compels me to it.
About five days ago the duke of Norfolk came to town accompanied only by four of his servants. He supped (souppa ce soir) that evening with the ambassador of France and whilst at table declared that the King, his master could not do him a greater pleasure than to allow him to join Your Majesty's camp with a number of armed men. This statement the Duke repeated several times. Next morning he returned to Court, and, as I can learn, his object in coming to town was to persuade the contractors for the customs' duties to advance upon them a sum of 100,000 crs. towards the expenses of this journey. He said to the Nuncio, who went to call on him early on that morning, that there had certainly been some talk of a meeting of the two kings at Calais, but that the affair was not quite settled, and that if the King, his master, went to Dover it would be merely for the purpose of seeing the docks he is having constructed in that port, and that from thence he purposed to cross over to Calais, in order to inspect certain fortifications already raised, and others which he intends raising. The king of France (he said) having accomplished his tour in Brittany was about to return to Paris, and both kings being thus so close to each other he had no doubt that an interview might easily be arranged, but he (the Duke) did not hesitate to say that nothing would be treated of at the meeting likely to affect the peace and repose of Christendom.
The Duke said no more to the Nuncio, but the dean of the Chapel (Sampson), now one of the Privy Council, who came to visit me the other day—a great wonder indeed under present circumstances—held the very same language and seemed to me to regret that this king had not contributed towards the expenses of the Turkish war, though he observed there was still some hope of his doing something on behalf of Christendom in union with the French king, who, he said, was very well disposed. The Dean then asked me whether I thought it would be easy to stir up rebellion in Syria, and wrest it from the Turk, which question makes one suspect that the two kings may have agreed to propose an invasion of that province. The Dean also said that although England had not yet given any material aid to Your Imperial Majesty' the spiritual had certainly not been spared, since all classes of society had been daily praying God for the prosperity and success of your arms. This last, in particular, the King seems to desire most just now against his general custom; whether he dissembles, or is really in earnest, I cannot say, but certain it is that for some time past he has done nothing but praise Your Majesty's virtues and magnanimity, and the great efforts you are making against the Turk. It may be that he says all this intentionally and in order to make people believe that the journey he is about to undertake, and his interview with the king of France, are not for any hostile purposes against Your Majesty. The King, however, may dissemble, and do or say what he likes, he will hardly find people to agree to this journey; all those who are to accompany him go against their will, and people talk about the contemplated interview in the most savage way (en sauvage sorte).
The King has not yet decided who is to govern during his absence. They talk of Millort Fiçuatre (Fitzwalter) and Millort Burguen (Bourchier). (fn. 2) Nobody knows yet whether the Queen, who is now living at a house of the bishop Dily (of Ely), 17 miles from this city, will be removed anywhere else. She has lately had great cause for sorrow, owing to a chaplain of hers having been arrested by order of the King and taken before the Duke, and thence to the Tower, in consequence of his having published a very able book in English in her favour ; and the King has ordered an inquiry to be made respecting the copies (livres) sold, and to whom, that they may be all seized and destroyed, and all traces of it disappear, for the book touches him to the quick. The King, moreover, has had the said book examined by the university of Auffort (Oxford); but the doctors find nothing in it worthy of censure, and surely had not the book been forbidden, people might (fn. 3) have been influenced by it.—London, 26th August 1532.
Signed; "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 4.
28 Aug.987. Memorandum of T. Cranmer, ambassador of England.
S. E. Aleman. L.
636,f. 242.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 85.
The king of England, my master, cannot but lament that an occasion has been given to the most cruel emperor of the Turks to assail Christendom. Besides his malice and inveterate ill-will against the Christians, the Turk has been goaded and irritated beyond measure. The King laments the more this provocation unnecessarily offered to the Infidel, that he himself, like a Christian prince, has been and will always be ready to take up arms for the defence of threatened Christendom. He would not have hesitated in the present instance to send 30,000 of his own subjects properly equipped and armed to fight the Infidel, had he not known from experience, as well as from the knowledge he has of the character and condition of the English, that they would never support the fatigues of so long a journey to distant lands. On the other hand, the King, my master, is well aware that preparations on a large scale are being made here, in Germany, so that should the Infidel dare to invade this country he is sure to meet with confusion and defeat. For this reason the King, my master, deems it unnecessary—nay superfluous—to send hither any army of his own.
As to the defence of other Christian countries threatened by the Infidel, my master knows very well partly from what he has himself read in history, and also from his own experience, that the kings of England, his predecessors, when they have not personally attended such expeditions have nevertheless spent their treasures upon them, thus performing a duty most pleasing to God and man, and thereby gaining considerable fame for themselves. (fn. 4) But he knows also that far from their deriving any personal benefit from such expeditions against the Infidel the kings who preceded him on the throne have thereby rather afforded a cause for domestic troubles and civil wars.
Owing to the above considerations the King, my master, has resolved not to send his army to Germany, but should the Turk be prosperous, and invade other countries of Christendom—especially those which have not the same means of defence as the German Empire, and where his assistance may be of use—he is fully determined on the very first intelligence of such an event to hasten thither at the head of his forces, and act most vigorously against the foe of Christendom and for the service of God and the Christian community, which intention his dearest brother the king of France and himself have signified more than once to His Holiness.— Ratisbon, 28th August, l532. (fn. 5)
Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 2½.
— Aug.988. Dr. Ortiz to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 858,
f. 160.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 91.
Ever since my arrival at Rome I have refrained from acquainting Your Lordship or any other person, except perhaps the most reverend archbishop of Santiago de Compostella [Tavera], with certain facts connected with the matrimonial cause of England, and my most humble person. In addition to the anxiety and trouble to which I have been subjected in consequence of the horrible injustice which the Queen and the whole of the Christian Church are suffering, a new source of trouble has accrued to me in the conduct of the Imperial ambassador (Miçer Mai) towards myself. I should have thought that in all matters connected with the matrimonial cause, and which were evidently conducive to, or necessary for, its success, I might, after consulting with the ambassador and begging his permission, speak to His Holiness, hear what he had to say, and afterwards communicate with him (Mai) as to the result, as I have done up to this time.
The other day having asked him to procure me an audience from His Holiness—who (I said) was receiving at all hoursthe French and English ambassadors—Miçer Mai said to me : "I have told you since the beginning that your commission here does not empower you to treat of this business with His Holiness, but merely with the Imperial solicitors and advocates under my direction, and by my orders. If I have hitherto tolerated your acting otherwise it has been merely out of consideration for your personal character and profession." No wonder at the Pope being chary of granting me audiences if Miçer Mai has spoken to him in this way of the nature of my commission!
My answer to the ambassador was that if he considered my solicitations and requests inconvenient or out of season, and actually commanded me not to see the Pope, I would remain at home, studying as I used to do at the Sorbonne; but that unless he could absolutely prove them to be irrelevant or detrimental to the principal cause I should with his permission, or without it, prosecute them, as well as my reports to Court, having received particular orders and instructions to keep the Empress, the most reverend cardinal of Santiago, the queen of England, and the Imperial ambassador in that country (Chapuys) "au courant.of every incident in the suit. I nevertheless begged and entreated him to make use of me, as it was not just that I should gain a salary without work. Even if I had no express commission from Your Majesty for this affair, he ought to give me permission to talk like unus de ecclesia Dei sancta, whom a cause of this kind concerns surely as much, and perhaps more than the English excusator, who, when he was here without mandate from his king, talked like unus de populo, and yet was always listened to, whereas I myself have been insulted by refusal of audiences, &c.
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 3.

Footnotes

1 Curia Pisana; Medina del Campo, 1548, 4to. Juan Rodriguez de Pisa, corre-gidor of Granada was its author.
2 "Encore na estably le roy que (qui) demourroit içy gouverneur ; yl se parle de millord fiçuuatre et de millort burghen ; lon ne scayt ausy si le roy fera remuer la royne quest en une mayson de leuesque dyly a xvii miles diçy."It is not easy to determine who the two noblemen were to whom Henry intended leaving the government of the kingdom during his short absence. By an effort of imagination, however, we might be inclined to suppose that Fiçuatre is meant for Fitzwalter, and Burguen (perhaps the original read Burguer) for John Bourchier, lord Berners, or for Bourke, earl of Clanricarde, also called De Burghe.
3 "Mays yls ne sçavent que mordre, et certes si le dit livre neust este prohibe le people eust este eu dangier de so garbougler."
4 "Cum non sint profecti ipsi se bona thesaurosque contulerunt suos, non modo nihil profecerunt, quin potius materiam suppeditarunt deterioribus consiliis inenndis ac promovendis."
5 Cranmer's letter is not signed, but its indorsement being : "Quod per Oratorem Serenissimi Regis Angliæ exhibitum fuit Ratisponæ die 28 Augusti 1532,"I have not hesitated to assign it to Thomas Cranmer before he wai raised to the archbishopric of Canterbury, and during his mission to Germany.