Spain
October 1532, 1-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1882

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523-537

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'Spain: October 1532, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2: 1531-1533 (1882), pp. 523-537. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87770 Date accessed: 22 October 2014.


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October 1532, 1-15

1 Oct.1003. Eustace Chapuys (fn. 1) to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof.-u. Staats. Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. Fasc,
c. 227, No. 39.
During the last few days, owing to the prorogation asked by the French, there has seemed to lurk some suspicion here among these courtiers that the interview of the two kings will not after all take place; which suspicion was much strengthened by the fact that [Sir Francis] Brian, who was to have followed Langeay into France immediately, had not yet moved (deslougé). and that neither the duke of Norfolk (who came to town only the day before yesterday to purchase silk cloth), nor several of the principal lords and officers of the Crown who were to accompany the King on his journey gave any signs whatever of preparing to cross the Channel The interview, however, is now again in the ascendant, and instead of Brian, the grand squire (Carew) is positively to leave to-morrow for France, to stir up the French and announce the immediate departure of this king, which will take place on Friday next, St. Francis' Day. It appears that avoiding Rochester and other towns on account of the plague, and because people are there dying of it, the King will go from Greenwich to Gravesend in his State barge, then to the house of a gentleman where he will stay one day, and then on board a well appointed ship of 150 tons, called "La Mignone," (fn. 2) and in fact more than deserving this name if her strength be taken into consideration. The "Mignone" will then sail for a small island on the Thames, where the King intends to feast and carouse for three consecutive days at the manor of a gentleman of his bed chamber, named Chennet. (fn. 3) Thence the King will go by land to Canterbury and Dover, at which last he will again embark on the said ship "La Mignone," calculating upon reaching Calais on the 15th inst.
But though on this matter of the journey and interview the courtiers appear cold and indifferent, certain it is that the Lady [Anne] thinks otherwise, for knowing very well how to make hay while the sun shines, she has not been slack to provide herself with rich and most expensive dresses and ornaments, which the King has ordered to be bought for the occasion. After sending her his own jewels (baghes), the King has, I hear, lately given the duke of Norfolk commission, and he has come down here on purpose, to procure through a third person those belonging to the Queen; who, I am told, said to the bearer of the Royal message: "., cannot present the King with my jewels as he desires, inasmuch as when, on a late occasion, I, according to the custom of this kingdom, presented him with a New Year's gift he warned me to refrain from such presents in future. Besides which (she said) it is very annoying and offensive to me, and I would consider it a sin and a load upon my conscience if I were persuaded to give up my jewels (baghes) for such a wicked purpose as that of ornamenting a person who is the scandal of Christendom, and is bringing vituperation and infamy upon the King, through his taking her with him to such a meeting across the Channel. Yet," continued the Queen, "if the King sends expressly for my jewels I am ready to obey his commands in that as well as in all other matters." Though highly displeased and sore at the Queen's answer the King nevertheless did send a gentleman of his chamber, who brought express orders to the Queen's Chancellor, and to her Chamberlain, to see to the delivery of the said jewels (fn. 4) besides a letter to the Queen herself in credence of the messenger, who said to her in the King's name that he was very much astonished at her not having sent her jewels forthwith when he first asked for them, as the queen of France, her sister, and many other [ladies] would have done." (fn. 5) Upon which the Queen gently pleaded excuse for her former refusal, and sent him. the whole of her jewels, and the King, as I am given to understand, is very much pleased and glad at it.
About eight days ago, as the French ambassador was going to court, whither he had been summoned, to attend a dinner the Lady was giving to the King, at a manor-house, with which he has lately presented her, he happened to pass by my lodgings, and came in. I took the opportunity of shewing him the summary of the news from the Turkish camp, as related by their own prisoners. The ambassador did not seem at all pleased with the contents of the paper, and knew not what to say. He took the paper into his hands and said he would shew it to the duke of Norfolk, as he had promised even before I shewed it to him. Had it not been for this promise I have no doubt that the ambassador would willingly have declined so unpalatable a commission as that of reading to the Duke the said news of the Turk; perhaps he thought that in doing so he might take his revenge, for I am told that when he saw the Duke about it, not only did he refuse to give credit to the news, saying that it could not be true, but he added that he knew from an authentic source that Neustat had been taken, and that in two different encounters about 10,000 lanskenets had been defeated by the Turks. On this last piece of reliable intelligence, as he was pleased to call it, the ambassador laid particular stress, as the Duke himself informed me the day before yesterday, when I myself gave him the news of the Turks having raised the siege of Chastel, and of the small town (villette) of Gunz, at which he (the Duke) seemed to rejoice greatly, were it for no other purpose, as he said, than to convict and confound the said ambassador, who according to the Duke's own statement has lately been in the habit of inventing news at pleasure. (fn. 6) And certainly the Duke is right in his estimation of the French ambassador and in holding him to be a most mischievous newsmonger, for he lately spread at this court, and indeed induced the King to believe the rumour, that the dukes of Bavaria, owing to the Spaniards having, when they crossed their estate, done some damage to the country people, had arrested an officer, expressly sent by Your Majesty to borrow some pieces of ordnance from them only because the Spaniard had used threatening language. In consequence of which the ambassador said, they (the dukes) were no longer on good terms with Your Majesty. (fn. 7) This and other reports does the French ambassador sedulously propagate here, either because he wishes these people to believe any disparaging story about Your Majesty, or perhaps to impress them with the idea that the interview is held for no other purpose than the one he says and the King's ministers point out.
The Duke tells me that his advice was, that from the very beginning the King ought to have informed all foreign ambassadors, and especially those of Your Imperial Majesty, of the designs and object of the conferences, in order to remove all suspicion that might be raised of your own Flemish dominions being invaded by the armies of the two kings whilst you were engaged with the Turks. Upon my remarking to him that in my opinion neither the King, his master, nor he of France had any right, cause, or pretext for such an invasion, and that even if they had the means and the power to do so, I thought that they would never agree on that point, he (the Duke) said: "Do not be so sure of that, for if the French are once allowed to follow their own inclination you may find yourself completely in error. As to my countrymen, the English, it is a different thing, I really believe that it is not in my master's power to make them move against the Flemish, nor would the Flemish willingly attack the English; that is my idea." (fn. 8)
It was evident to me that by these and other equally unfavourable expressions aimed at their French allies the Duke tried to persuade me that the two kings did not entirely agree as to the line of conduct to be observed, and yet in order to make up, as it were, for his incivility towards the French, he began immediately after to praise and commend in the highest terms the very close friendship which now bound the two kings.
I replied that no one in the whole world would be more delighted than Your Imperial Majesty to hear of such intimate friendship, since your aspirations had always been, and were still, for the universal welfare of Christendom, but the closer the friendship (I said) the greater the danger, and I proceeded to prove my thesis by various arguments and reasons which then and there I alleged, and which the Duke readily admitted, adding that he wished the French ambassador had been present to hear them, but that he would repeat them to him when he saw him next. And so he has done, for the French ambassador himself told me so this very morning, besides which I have found him more moderate in his speech than he has been hitherto, praising Your Majesty beyond measure, and assuring me that he hopes there will be soon between Your Majesty and the King, his master, closer friendship and alliance than ever, and that he can see plainly that the time has now come for such intimate union.
About eight days ago this king happened to meet the Princess, his daughter, in the country (aux champs), though he did not say much to her save asking how she was, and assuring her that henceforward he would visit her oftener. There was no question of course of the King inviting her to the place where he is now holding his court, for the Lady is with him, and she will not see or hear of the Princess, as I have already informed Your Majesty in a former despatch. I believe, nevertheless, that had not the Lady very cautiously dispatched two of her most confidential servants towards the King that they might hear and report his conversation with the Princess, his daughter, the former would have conversed with her longer, and with greater familiarity. There was in my opinion no indication of the marriage between the Princess and the duke of Orleans, so much spoken of, being mooted during the interview, for, as far as I am aware, not a word was said about it. After the King's departure [for France] the Princess will reside in Windsor, which is a strong castle in the midst of a very pleasant park and grounds. Where the Queen is to go and reside no one knows yet. She has lately been terribly afraid of the Kings marrying the Lady at the proposed interview; but is now more tranquil, owing to the said Lady herself having assured a great personage, in whom she trusts, that even if the King wished to marry her now she would never consent to it, for she wants the ceremony to take place here, in England, at the usual place appointed for the marriage and coronation of queens. (fn. 9)
Three weeks ago the king of Scotland had an ordinance promulgated throughout his kingdom enjoining all men from 20 to 60 years of age to take up arms and get ready for war. So I have been told by two servants of the Papal Nuncio in Scotland who have now been dismissed from his service on the advice of the Scotch governors themselves, owing to their being both English born. (fn. 10) I also learn from them that immediately after the publication of the said ordinance upwards of 20,000 men took up arms, and are already in the field without including in that number some Irish, who have also crossed over. The English, on the other hand, are by no means negligent in strengthening their own frontiers; both infantry and cavalry are continually seen passing to and fro, and when the two above-mentioned servants of the Nuncio crossed the war had already commenced, and there had been on both sides several forays, burning of small villages, and so forth. Many people attach no importance whatever to these movements of the Scotch, for they say this: "If at the time that the French were at war with us we were able to resist successfully, now that France is our friend and ally there will be no difficulty in repulsing the attacks of our neighbours. Others think that the Scotch can now play a better game owing to this kings bad government, which has entirely alienated from him the affections of the whole nobility and commons alike.
The Scotch meanwhile pursue their undertaking, and the French instead of declaring openly in favour of the English, and holding the others as their enemies, do nothing of the sort, and affect to be neutral in the contest, in consequence of which people here will soon cry out, as they have already begun to do, and say that the French are deceiving them, and will not remain [long] as cousins and good friends. (fn. 11) This very moment one of my men, whom I had sent with a message to the Grand Squire has returned, and says to me on the part of that officer, that he is going over to France much against his will with the charge of soliciting, pressing, and recommending the interview of the two kings; aud he sends me word that far from executing his commission with fidelity he will do any and everthing in his power to have it put off. He further sends me word that the King is not over pleased at some rumours now current respecting certain arrangements proposed. It would appear that the king of France had promised, and this king hoped that as a sort of countenance to the Lady [Anne] he would take [to Boulogne] his own sister, Madame d'Alançon, whereas it now turns out that the latter being indisposed and unable to attend, Francis proposes to take thither Madame de Vendosme instead, at which these people are by no means pleased, saying that since the said Madame de Vendom had been in former times considered doubtful company she will perhaps take in her suite some of those who shared her former bad reputation; which would be a shame and insult to the ladies on this side of the Channel. (fn. 12) This will shew Your Majesty the blindness and poor judgment of these people, who cannot see the heam in their own eyes and yet wish to pick out the mote in those of their neighbours.
The King has ordered processions to be made throughout his kingdom for three days in the week. They began here on the first day of the Ember week just past, (fn. 13) and were attended by great crowds of people, who very devoutly and sincerely thanked God for the signal victory granted to Your Majesty's arms, though this must be said, no official notification has yet been made respecting the object and motive of such processions, for I am told by the mayor of London, who having charge of those in this city, that having naturally inquired for the purpose and intention of the thanksgiving, he was refused all explanation. Indeed, there is every reason to suppose that had it not been for the shame likely to be incurred by it, and because France has so well acquitted herself of this pious duty, the King would in nowise have consented to the said processions and thanksgiving in the churches of his kingdom. With regard to the Papal indulgences, however, there has been no question; the King would not allow their publication, in order, as I do believe, to go on taunting the Pope. (fn. 14)
The duke of Norfolk tells me that this king is about to recall his ambassador residing at Your Majesty's Court, and send thither instead of him a certain doctor and archdeacon of Yly (Ely), whose services have been very great ever since this last declaration of the English clergy recognizing him as supreme chief of the Church in England; at which declaration the said Archdeacon has worked very efficiently indeed, as likewise in everything else that has been done and written against His Holiness here. That Your Majesty may form an idea of what sort of person the Archdeacon is, and who are the people here who have most favour and credit with the King, I will only add that the said Archdeacon was long confined to prison on the charge of Lutheranism, nay, tried, convicted, and sentenced by his own uncle, the bishop of Yly (Ely) to appear publicly in a procession carrying on his shoulders a faggot of wood, which is the sort of preliminary punishment here inflicted on those condemned to the stake for such causes. (fn. 15)
., have no doubt that he has been sufficiently provided with means and money to gain opinions concerning the divorce.
The King and his Council have decided that all foreign ambassadors, with the single exception of the French, shall remain here, on the plea that were all and every one of them to go to the interview there would be no room at Calais or Boulogne to lodge them and their suites. I am sorry not to be present that I might the better do Your Majesty's service, and I am afraid that if I ask permission for one of my secretaries to go thither and see whether any of the packets brought by the Imperial couriers is addressed to the King to deliver the same it will be refused. I have likewise informed the Queen that she may, if she deems it necessary, send some one [of her own household] under some pretence to hear and report what is going on—London, 1st October 1532.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England." Received at Spimberghe (sic) on the 25th of the same month.
French. Holograph. pp. 7.
9 Oct.1004. Miçer Miguel Mai to Francisco de los Covos.
S. E. Rom. L. 857,
f. 154.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 132.
The bulls for the Crusade have at last been obtained, though with infinite trouble, and the greatest exertions on our part. Indeed it seems impossible that so much delay and so many subterfuges should have been employed in this matter unless they thought that by the Turk retreating into his own country bulls would not be wanted. An attempt was likewise made, as I suspect, to grant the tithes (decimas) to the king of France, for soon after the taking of Modon the old overtures about an offensive alliance against the Turk were resumed, &c.
Cavalier Casale, who was English ambassador here, at Rome, has taken his departure to attend the conferences between the kings of England and France at Calais. As he (Casale) is a great favourite with the Pope, and has been at other times much in his confidence, and employed as his agent, I am very much afraid that he has taken some secret commission from His Holiness, the more so that Casale having a law-suit with the brother of count Guido—who disputes with him all the property he possesses in the world—and the Pope favouring, as it would appear, the justice of the latter, Casale went about complaining bitterly of His Holiness, and yet lately, and before his departure for Calais, he has put into his hand, as I am informed from an authentic source, a decree ordering the suspension (sobreseimiento) of the suit, which, in my opinion, is a very bad sign. I may be mistaken, but it strikes me that the Cavalier is after no good. The ambassadors in Calais ought to be written to on the subject, for although it is said that they will not be admitted into the place where the interview is to be celebrated, yet it may be useful to put them on their guard respecting Casale's commission.
In the matrimonial cause the king of England has respite for this month to come (todo este mes por venir). This delay has been cunningly extended for the Consistory said September, and those who had to draw the decretal wrote October. This is bad enough, but not so bad after all if they keep their word as to the rest of the decree.
His Holiness is certainly prosecuting his action against Napoleone [Orsino], though I am told that the French ambassador intercedes for him, and has lately obtained a delay of three months for him. Suspecting some trick of the French I went to the Pope and spoke to him about it; he assured me that he was determined to see justice done, and I really believe that he intends it this time.
Arrival at Rome of a secretary of the cardinal of Santiago (Tavera), who comes on business relating to the Crusada. His name is Johan de Mañer (sic).
My brother, Clemente Mai, has been most dangerously ill, so much so that for five and twenty days I considered him a dead man. For the last three, however, he has somewhat improved, and there is now some hope of his recovery.
Strange rumours are afloat here about the Cardinal Legate, Ippolito de' Medici, having received a sabre cut across his face, and about the marquis del Gasto (Vasto), and I do not know how many officers and men having been slain in a skirmish with the Turks; also about the threatening comet which these Romans believe is a sign that the Pope will die soon, and that the Emperor cannot fail to come westwards.
Sends Artal with the present despatch.—Rome, viii October 1532.
Signed: "Mai."
Addressed: "To the very illustrious and very magnificent lord the High Commander of Leon, first secretary, and of the Privy Council of His Imperial Majesty, &c., my Lord."
Spanish. Original. pp. 5.
9 Oct.1005. Cardinal Siguença to the Same.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
S. E. L. 858,
f. 127.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 135.
The Pope considers that the interview of the kings of England and France as certain, but I believe he fea\?\s it will turn out to his prejudice. I cannot see what other reason he can have for acting as he has done lately, or what excuse he can offer to those kings unless it be that he has often acted against his conscience in trying to please them. God will permit that the result of this conference will be the same as usual, that is that the princes will come out of it more divided than before.—Rome, 9 October 1532.
Signed: "Fr. G[arcia] Cardinalis Segontinus."
Addressed; "To the very magnificent lord the High Commander of Leon, &c."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2½
12 Oct1006. The High Commander of Alcantara to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,457,
f. 118.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f . 137.
I arrived here to-day, Saturday, in company with the bishop of Palencia, and several other gentlemen journeying together. Though we were upwards of 100 without counting the servants all armed to the teeth, I can assure Your Majesty that we were in some danger, for within sight of us several light horse have this very day been slain, and others have lost everything they had with them. If Your Majesty does not put a stop to this nuisance, or order that no man of the Imperial army should go forward, there will be no chance for those who may come after us; they will all be robbed or slain.
I found the Legate [Ippolito] at liberty, at which I was much pleased, though I am sorry to hear that Lockinghen refuses to take charge of him. I am doing all I can that way, may God give me success!
Gambara, if he dares, will proceed on Your Majesty's errand to conciliate matters and keep people contented; if he has not a letter ought to be written to him in your name. The Legate (Ippolito) the very moment he was set at liberty departed with great fury in the direction of Venice. They tell me that he said he would pass this night at Bilaque. Though my eyes are not good enough to travel at night and in the dark I will still use all possible speed to arrive there on Sunday morning at day break, though they tell me that the Legate will not perhaps stay so long there.
Count San Segundo I have seen here. Though closely watched he is not actually under arrest. He offers to prove his innocence. If Your Majesty intend to release him the thing had better be done at once.—San Vitores, Saturday afternoon, the 12th of October [1532].
Signed: "Don Pedro de la Cueva."
Addressed: "To the most invincible Emperor, our Sovereign Lord."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
13 Oct.1007. Captain Lekinghen and Commander Leguiçamo to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 2,457,
f. 185.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 139.
Your Lordship has no doubt already been informed that on Friday morning my colleagues and myself arrested cardinal [Ippolito de'] Medici, after presenting to him His Majesty's warrant with all due respect and the greatest possible courtesy. We also arrested the person of count San Segundo, who will be kept in prison until Your Majesty's arrival, according to orders.
On Saturday, at 10 in the morning, Mercado, the servant of His Highness the king of Hungary, arrived and brought letters for us [Leguiçamo, and myself, Lekinghen,] besides another one for the Legate. Upon which we went straight to him, delivered the letter we had received, and asked his pardon for having through a misunderstanding of our in structions and commission proceeded to his arrest. It was not (we said) His Majesty's intention to detain him at all, but only count San Segundo. We had evidently misunderstood the order and had arrested him instead. We again entreated the Cardinal to forgive our blunder and be the intercessor with the Emperor that we might not be punished for it. The Legate's answer was that he had nothing to forgive ; we had done our duty and obeyed orders from our master; that he knew well. We again assured him that it had never crossed the Emperor's mind to have him arrested, and therefore that we were mightily afraid of being punished unless His Most Reverend Lordship interceded for us: "Go, I know all about it," said the Cardinal, and left the room.
When we delivered the King's letter the Legate was at table dining. Scarcely had he finished his dinner than he asked for post horses and left by the road leading to Venice, where, considering the haste he is making, he will arrive soon.
Your Lordship knows very well how innocent we are in all this affair, and that although we have actually taken upon ourselves all the responsibility of this act, and are ready to sacrifice our honour and reputation as well as our lives for the Emperor, it was at Your Lordship's express command that we undertook this commission. And we cannot omit the circumstance that we have been threatened that the very moment we put our feet in Italy we shall be murdered or despatched somehow.—Santo Vito, (fn. 16) 13th October 1532.
Signed: "De Lequinghen.—Leguiçamo."
Addressed: "To the very illustrious and very magnificent lord the High Commander of Leon."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
14 Oct.1008. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien. Rep. P. Fasc.,
c. 227, No. 43.
Everything was ready and in order for the King's departure when on Friday some news came into town which retarded the journey until yesterday, Monday, the 7th inst. It is true that in order to make up for the said delay the King intends not to stay so long where he at first thought, but to cross on the 14th, provided he gets a favourable answer from his Grand Squire, whom he sent the other day to France to report immediately about the affair.
The day before yesterday as the French ambassador (La Pommeraye) came to take leave, he failed not among other subjects of conversation to touch upon the interview of the two kings at Calais, and repeat to me what he had said on so many previous occasions, namely, that the meeting of the two kings had only been designed for the defence against the Turk, and to devise means (he added on this occasion) of expelling him altogether from Christian territory. In this manner (said the ambassador) both princes would participate in the glory and profit of the undertaking, which was not a thing to be disdained; and he further thought that the two princes coming to treat of the said matters would give an opening for Your Majesty to join the league, if you chose, and that if you refused it would be clearly proclaiming to the World that you never intended to work for the public welfare, but merely for your own particular glory and profit. After this the Frenchman asked me point blank what answer Your Majesty had made to the above views, and upon my replying that until now I had received none, the ambassador thought that very strange, and observed that either through dislike and fear of the projected interview you were hesitating and undecided about the plan to be pursued, or that you had been badly advised by your counsellors to despise and look contemptuously upon the meeting of these two princes so great and so powerful. He and many others, he said, were of opinion that Your Majesty could not do less than send thither [to Calais] some distinguished person for the express purpose of representing you, whereof he said there had been already some indication (et que desia yl en auoit senty quelque fumiere).
I relate all this that Your Imperial Majesty may duly appreciate the fantastic ideas of people like these, who with their meetings and interviews partly brought about by the will of ladies think to frighten and intimidate the whole World. My reply, among other things, was that no answer was required to my announcement of the projected interview, especially as the notice did not actually come from the King himself. Most likely (I said) when the meeting is definitively fixed the King will not fail officially to inform Your Majesty thereof through his ambassador at the Imperial Court or through me. That (I continued) was an act of courtesy, with which he could not well dispense, besides which, Your Majesty might well with God's help provide so effectually for the defence of Christendom and the repulse of the Turk by yourself that a meeting of the kind for the avowed purpose of waging war against the Infidel separately would be most useless and inefficacious. As to sending expressly to Calais some one to represent you, I doubted much whether on hearing that your ambassadors had been precluded from all intervention, you would condescend to appoint another one for that express purpose.
After this I adroitly changed the conversation, and tried to ascertain which of the two princes had first conceived the idea of the interview and proposed it to the other, and although I frankly and openly told La Pommeraye that the generality of the English firmly believed the idea to have first originated with this king, he maintained that the contrary was the case, and that the idea came from his master, though he owned that the Lady had forwarded it and was much pleased at it.
Then passing on to the Scotch movements (esmotions), about which I wrote lately to Your Majesty, the ambassador said that the Scots had taken up arms rather for fear of an invasion from this country than from any other motive. His master, the King, had done everything in his power to procure peace and union between them, but since all his efforts had been unavailing they might wage war against each other as much as they liked, he (the king of France) would not interfere or help either.
The King takes with him to Calais a legion of doctors and priests, who hold for the divorce, and among the rest three Franciscans (courdeliers) whom king Francis sent him some time ago from Britanny, as I informed Your Majesty by my last despatch, and likewise the Jew (fn. 17) who came from Venice at his bidding. This last gives out that there will be [at Calais] a conference on the matter of this divorce, which perchance at the request of this king will be discussed before the Council and cardinals of France, and then be decided by the latter. And it is to be apprehended that should the said cardinals be bold and unwise enough to take this affair into their hands this king would not hesitate to carry out his mad purpose (parchever sa follie). In fact I conclude from what I have heard this resident ambassador say that the king of France will employ this and other means to make this one and fall, that he may entirely alienate him from Your Majesty. I have given due notice of this to viscount Hannart, and sent him copies of the two briefs by which His Holiness under most extreme penalties forbids anyone to take cognizance of or decide in this affair, that he may make use of them in Flanders as he best thinks for Your Majesty's service and the good of the affair, and that the said cardinals and others may not allege ignorance on that score.
Since the above was written, Your Majesty's letter of the 20th ulto to me, and the copy of the one to the Imperial ambassador in France, have duly come to hand. In obedience to the commands of Your Majesty, and according to the instructions therein contained, I will shape my conduct, and regulate my answers on the principal business [of the divorce] and its dependencies, continuing, as hitherto, to advise the Imperial ambassador in France of every new occurrence in this country, and using my own cipher for the most important communications, so that, God willing, no inconvenience will result therefrom. Two days ago I dispatched a clerk of mine, whom these people have at last allowed to go to Calais, who will go straight to the lodgings of the Imperial ambassador there with my letters and news from this country. He has express charge of speaking in my name to the Duke [of Norfolk] and other members of the Privy Council, and inquiring the news, as he may be ordered by the said viscount Hannart. I have likewise prevailed upon the Papal Nuncio to send thither another man, who will use all diligence to ascertain what is going on at the conferences, and communicate with my own.
With regard to the King's answer to the Nuncio when he was asked to contribute towards the expenses of the Turkish war, I must say that it has not yet been received. I have already informed Your Majesty that talking on this very subject with the duke of Norfolk, he had frankly owned to me that he was literally ashamed at its being so long delayed. May God help Your Majesty and enable you to act as hitherto without the aid of these people, or else to have this affair of the Queen settled, since after all it is the principal cause of the hatred they bear Your Majesty.
There is no other news to report except that the government of the kingdom has been placed in the hands of the archbishop of York, Edward Lee, of the earl of Sussex (Robert Ratcliffe), and of the sieur Darcy (Sir Thomas Lord D'Arcy), together with the Privy Council.—London, 14th October 1532.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 4.
15 Oct.1009. Don Pedro de la Cueva to Francisco de los Covos.
S. E. L. 1,457,
f. 119.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 141.
The despatch brought by the last courier reached me at this place. No better provision could in my opinion have been made to mend the very foolish blunder committed by these gentlemen, though they persist in saying that they acted rightly, and according to orders. The worst is that both the instructions Your Lordship gave them at the time of their departure, and the letters you wrote to them afterwards enjoining them to take the blame upon themselves they have shewn, as I have been informed, to a few. I should advise Your Lordship to send for those letters, that they may not be hawked about more than they have been already. I would even recommend that should the affair be bruited about, and come to the ears of Italians, both Lecquinghen and Leguiçamo should be sent about their business, and obliged to quit the Imperial service. This would be a great boon for them, and at the same time a sort of satisfaction to this cardinal (Medici), who the very moment he was set free set out for Venice as hard as he could ride. Ganvaro (Gambara) returned from that town of Germany where I left him, for he dared not proceed on his journey.
Valanson and I could not pass to-day from this town [Vilaque], the people of the town would not allow it owing to the many bands [of robbers] who scour the country. To-morrow, God willing, we shall muster 200 horse and more, so that we might offer them battle if necessary. Once in Italy we shall make as much haste as possible, though I doubt whether the precarious state of my health will bear any great strain. At any rate if necessary, and in order to counteract the bad effect which the blunder of Leckinghen and Leguiçamo must have produced at Rome, 1 will send an express to cardinal Siguença informing him of what has occurred.
Don Henrique de Toledo passed through to-day, he left the Mantua Road for the one we are following, &c.
Don Bartholome was of very great use to the Papal Legate in that dilemma (baraja); not only he kept him company, but as during his arrest they took away most of his servants and household, he had consequently to provide him food and bed besides good counsel. He well deserves that His Majesty should bear him in mind should the see of Cuenca become vacant by the death of its bishop. (fn. 18) —Vilaque, 15th October 1532.
Signed: "Don Pedro de la Cueva."

Footnotes

1 A portion of this despatch, for reasons which will be fully explained in th Introduction, has been inadvertedly printed among Chapuys' letters for the year 1531. The circumstance of both letters, which differ slightly, bearing the date of 1st October, though in reality thay are one and the same, has led to the misplacement."
2 "Dempuys entrera en ung uavire de cent et cinquante toneaulx que lon nomme La Mignone, quest tres bieu en ordre et plus que mignone."
3 Sir Thomas Cheyne?
4 Et non obstant que le roy fust marry des dits propos si ne layssa il de les envoyer demander par ung de sa chambre, le quel appourta au chancellier et ung (sic, et au?) chambellan de la royne lettres du roy bien expresses pour tenir main a lenvoy des dites baghes."
5 The original has " comme auoit fait la royne de France, se seur, et pluseurs autres." I prefer auroit in the conditional tense, for it is not likely that queen Eleanor's (who after all was not the sister, but the niece of Katharine,) jewels bad been applied for on the occasion.
6 "Speciallement pour [con]vaincre et confondre le dit ambassadeur qua accoustume de leur donner com disoit pluseurs nouvelles faictes a plaisir."
7 "Que les dues de Bauiere a cause que les hyspaniolz passant riere eulx avoint endommage quelque villette, et que ung spaignol estant envoye a eulx de part de la vostre maieste pour les requerre (sic) daucune artillerie leur auoit use de quelques menasses, nestoint pas bien avec vostre maieste."
8 "Et luy respondant que no pensoye veu que ne lung ne lautre de ces deux roys ny pretendoint nul droit que oeres quils heussent moyen et pouoer de ce fere quil y voulsissent enteudre [il me dit que mon pensement nestoit le plus asseure du monde, et que si lon se iouoit de laisser fere françois que lon verroit bien le contraire, et quant aux anglois yl croyoit quil nestoit au pouoer de ce roy les esmouvoer contre la flandre, et le mesme pensoit [il] des flamans contre ce pays."
9 "Mais la dite dame a dit et affirme a quelque personnage dont elle se fie que oeres que le roy voulut elle ny consentiroit, car elle veult que ce soit icy au lieu que lon a accoustume de espouser et coroner les autres roynes."
10 "Comme mont dit deux serviteurs dununce du Pape estant au dit escosse, les quelz y(il) a icy ranvoye par laduys des gouvrneurs de par dela a cause quill sont angloix."
11 "Mais il semble a plusieurs autres que les dits escossois auroient maintenant ieu plus a leur auantage que lors a cause du mal gouvernement du roy que lay a fait perdre entierement la volonte de toute la noblesse et pareillement du peuple. Les dits escossois continuent en leur emprinse, et les françois tiennent ouvertement pour ceulx-ci, declairant les autres leur enemys, [et] ceulx-ei penseront commilz commencent desia murmurer que les françois les pipent et ne demeureront cousins."
12 "A cause que lon luy avoit donna entendre quelque funoyere et espoir que le roy de france meneroit avec luy en contreschange de la dame sa seur madamo dalanson, et que maintenant ilz disoient quelle estoit malade, et que en son lieu se trouveroit madame de vendosme, de quoy ceulx-cy ne se contentent, disant que comme la dite dame de vandosme a este autres foys bonne compaigne, quelle aure quelque compaignie correspondente au temps passe, et de male reputacion, que sera une honte et iniure pour les dames de par deça."
13 "Les quelles commencirent (sic) la premier iour dcs quatretemps dernierement passez."
14 "Pour, comme ie croys, continuer ses braueries contre le pape."
15 "Il a este detenu longuement prisonnier pour lutherien, et a la fin convaineu et par son oncle propre leuesque de yly condampue a porter sur les espaules pub liequement en procession ung fagot, quest la premiere punition que lon donne icy en tel cas pour preambule au feu."
16 Probably Sanvito (Santo Vito?) in the Friul, the same town as the San Vitor of La Cueva's despatch, No. 1006, p. 532. Lequinghen's name is also written Loquinguien.
17 See part 1, p. 761.
18 At this time Diego Ramirez de Fuenleal was bishop of Cuenca till his death in August 1536. The Don Bartholome might be Gattinara's nephew, Giovan Bartholomeo.