Spain
December 1532, 1-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1882

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563-576

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'Spain: December 1532, 1-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2: 1531-1533 (1882), pp. 563-576. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87773 Date accessed: 20 August 2014.


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December 1532, 1-31

10 Dec.1032. Cardinal Siguença to the High Commander.
S. E. Rom. L. 1,457,
f. 29.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 180.
Yesterday, Monday, a consistory of Cardinals was held, in which the reception of the Emperor, our master, was discussed. Two legates, Cesarino and Grimano, were chosen to go out two days' march and meet him on the road.
The Pope told us of the arrival of a Turkish ambassador at Venice to inform the Signory of his successful incursion, during which, he said, the Sultan, his master, had found no enemies to fight with. The Pope could not help smiling, knowing very well that the Turk was actually flying before our arms. After this the Venetian ambassador called, and shewed me the very letter which the Signory had written to him on the subject. The letter related, lstly: that the Turk on the 14th of October last was already ten days' march from Constantinople, where a splendid reception was prepared for him; 2ndly, that he had given orders for all his galleys to be disarmed; and 3rdly, that at the hour when the letter was being written a Turkish ambassador had arrived, but that the Signory had not yet given him audience.
Yesterday I dined with the Pope. Before and after dinner we talked about His Imperial Majesty, when many things were said by me calculated to cement more and more the friendship which he professes to you all. He said he was glad to hear that the king of France had offered to entertain our master, should he in his intended passage from Genoa to Barcelona be inclined to touch at any part of the coast of Provence; but remarked that his Nuncio had written to say that the principal cause of the son of the count of Tenda having been sent thither was to place that coast in a state of defence in case it should be attacked by the Imperial fleet. I do really believe this, and that the offers he has made are more for the purpose of covering those precautionary measures than otherwise.
The two cardinals, the Pope tells me, come for the matrimonial suit, and for the purpose of asking for judges out of Rome to decide and sentence the divorce case. They bring with them plenty of opinions subscribed by lawyers and canonists, and the Most Christian King has in the meantime suspended the convocation of the French Clergy until February next, that it may act as a kind of pressure (torcedor) on the Pope, and a warning that in this interview between him and our master [at Bologna] nothing is to be attempted against France or England. He also tells me that the king of England wishes these two French cardinals to come on this errand that he may the better authorize and establish what he calls his just cause, and give a share of the responsibility to the king of France; but His Holiness supposes that as both are the servants of the Most Christian King they may have other things to state in behalf of their master. In short they have arrived, and are already lodged at count Populi's (fn. 1) palace, which was the house which the Marichal (fn. 2) intended for me.
Should His Imperial Majesty wish me to go out incognito six, eight, or ten miles from this place, let Your Lordship send me word and I will do it with great pleasure, and then will return here to the Pope that he may prepare his reply. (fn. 3)
I am lodging at St. Dominic. For my condition the apartment is good enough, but it is so small and so far from where His Holiness is, and our court is likely to reside, that the Spanish gentlemen, who have already arrived, are all very sorry that a more central residence has not been allotted to me, of which they accuse the Marichal, pretending that the duke of Milan bribed him to give him the apartments which His Majesty had designated for me; but I cannot believe it, for the Marichal seems to me a perfect gentleman incapable of such a thing.—Bologna, Tuesday night.
Signed: "Fr[ater] G[arcia] Clis Seguntinus."
Addressed: "To the very magnificent the High Commander of Leon, secretary to His Imperial Majesty and of his Privy Council."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 3.
16 Dec.1033. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
E. u. K. Haas-
Líof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien. Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 227, No. 77.
Though since my last despatch in date of the 26th ulto nothing has occurred here worthy of mention I should all the same have written to Your Majesty were it for no other purpose but that of not incurring the fault of negligence. The want of a confidential messenger has, however, prevented me from fulfilling this part of my duty as an ambassador.
Having a few days ago received the letters which Your Majesty had caused to be written to me on the 27th, I immediately sent one of my secretaries to acquaint the duke of Norfolk with the intelligence therein contained, that he might apprize the King thereof, inasmuch as at this last audience I was distinctly told that not having heard for two months from his ambassadors at the Imperial Court he (the King) wished as soon as possible to hear tidings of Your Majesty, and at the same time learn whether the Venetians had or had not behaved loyally towards Your Majesty in the affair of the mutineers, and prepared ships for their passage; and if so, whether their compliance with your wishes was a token of their devotion and friendship, or rather a sign of fear, as he had been told. I must observe that the news I gave the King on that occasion was, if I am rightly informed, anything but agreeable to him, especially that of prothonotary Gambara's mission to Rome to procure a meetiny between the Pope and Your Majesty, of which he had already received intelligence, and which he is now about to send to Rome and to France, as I am informed, to counteract and defeat
Soon after the arrival here of Mr. de Montpezant, (fn. 4) the French ambassador, I called to welcome him. I was well received, and could very well see by his language that he was affectionately attached to Your Majesty, and wishing sincerely for the preservation of peace and mutual friendship. With regard to the business done at the interviews of Calais and Boulogne, Montpesant assured me that nothing had been discussed there except the means of resistance to, and repulsion of, the Turk, and that the cardinals who, as report went, had been sent to Rome merely for the affair of the divorce had gone thither of their own will and accord, not as was then said by the command of the two kings, and at the expense of this one. As to their procuring the divorce (the ambassador added) it was to be presumed that being solicited by this king's ministers, as no doubt they would be, they could not fail to use all their influence.
Three days after my visit to the French ambassador he called on me, and after repeating the substance of the above conversation, added that he should be delighted to place before me for inspection the very treaty drawn up at the late interview, and that if I did him the honour of dining with him he would shew me the draft, and tell me all he knew about it. I accepted his invitation, and on his return from court, whither he went next day, I hastened to call at his lodgings for fear he should withdraw his offer. All my care was, however, in vain, for Montpesant, alleging as an excuse that he had company, and was bound to entertain his guests, never shewed me the draft, and put it off to another day, thus giving me to understand most clearly that if he had ever intended shewing me the draft he had now changed his mind.
But whatever the said ambassador may say to the contrary, certain it is that the Queen has been informed that this king has positively sent to the two cardinals bills of exchange to the amount of 9,000 marcs [of silver], equal to 30,000 crs., to be spent in Borne; which fact, coupled with the circumstance that at this very moment this king is in closer relations with Parliament than he ever was, naturally makes the Queen suspect that at these last interviews this king must have boasted that he will soon carry out his undertaking.
A gentleman in great favour with the Lady, and also with the duke of Norfolk, said the other day to a person, who repeated it to me, that he knew the king of France to be so highly displeased at the treatment he had received in Spain that he was determined to make war on the Genoese; and as he could not otherwise infringe the existing treaties he thought that should you decide to help the said. Genoese, it would give him a cause for breaking altogether with Your Majesty. (fn. 5)
About ten days ago the ambassador of France went to see the King at the Tower, where he had gone for the purpose of inspecting the works and repairs now being made there. The King shewed him on that occasion the treasure room, without, however, giving him a sight of its contents. Some days after the King himself went again with a small retinue, accompanied by the Lady, to whom he shewed the whole. On this last occasion the French ambassador, who happened on that day to have received letters from France, went also to the Tower, to communicate the news he had received, and upon his being asked what tidings from abroad ì he replied: "Excellent, Sire,"and he began to relate before all those present how Messire Andrea Doria had sent back two ships (navieres) filled with wounded, and how the count of Tende had been sent from Court to France. (fn. 6) After which the ambassador approached nearer, and told the King in secret what else he had to say. This done all three (the King, Lady, and ambassador) went in to inspect the treasure, when, either in consequence of the good news brought by the ambassador, or to please the Lady, the King presented the former with one of the finest gold cups therein stored, (fn. 7) and when the ambassador returned to his lodgings he is known to have said to a personage who takes much interest in military affairs that it was high time for him to make his preparations, for he would no doubt have a good command and a very fine pay as long as the war lasted, and that he was ready to stake all he possessed that before May next the clash of armour and the noise of drums would be heard in France. (fn. 8)
I must, however, observe that the said ambassador himself has often told me that he would be glad for the sake of Your Majesty and of the queen of France, your sister, that you were already back in Spain, and therefore I fancy there may be some other reason besides the above-mentioned for the ambassador expressing himself in this manner.
The Papal Nuncio having just received letters from His Holiness in date of the 10th, commanding him again to exhort this king to send powers for some one at Rome to represent him in the divorce suit, and likewise to wash out (purger) any mistrust and scruples he might have on that score, sent the other day to Greenwich to ask an audiencef rom the King. The answer was that he would have to wait until the King had returned to this city, and so the Nuncio did; but when the latter went to the Palace, as agreed, thinking he might speak to the King, he was introduced to a room where the duke of Norfolk was sitting, surrounded by all the Privy Councillors and several other courtiers. He was then told that having taken some pills for the gout the King was unable to receive him, and had, therefore, deputed those present to hear what he had to say. Upon which the Nuncio delivered his message, which was, as I said before, again to exhort and try to persuade the King to do what was just and reasonable in that affair. Not one, in the whole assembly failed to remonstrate and maintain that the Pope did wrong in thus refusing to have the cause tried in England, and that the King would never consent to send his powers to Rome (fn. 9) After which the Nuncio went away, the Duke having first promised that when the King should feel better, and be at leisure, he would not fail to send for him, which promise, however, has not yet been fulfilled. The truth is that the King had taken no medicine at all on that day; it was only an excuse of his, fearing lest the Nuncio should present him some brief or execution, or for the sake of gaining time to prepare an answer, and make the Pope understand that his Privy Council is more resolute even on these matters than he himself is.
A fortnight ago a young man from those parts arrived here, who says he has served three years at Gravellingue (Grave-lines). He is a painter by profession (il se mesle de portraytture). and as I have been informed this very morning, some of this king's gunners and engineers are after him trying by all possible means to obtain a plan of the fortifications of that town, and especially of its most secret defences (secretz); but I shall do my best to defeat their purpose.
There is here at present a pursuivant-at-arms of king Frederic of Denmark, about whose mission and business in this country I have lately made inquiries in various quarters. I have ascertained that he has come for the purpose of proving that 40 or 50 Englishmen who were slain in Iceland some time ago had done something to deserve that fate, and that it was entirely their fault, and therefore that this king had no reason to complain of the subjects of the other. The King, having heard the excuses of the Danish envoy, was satisfied with them, not so with the people of Hambourg, whither he has been thinking of sending a doctor-at-law and a herald for the investigation of the damage and loss sustained [by the English] and the compensation they may claim in consequence.
Since his return the King has caused all the garrisons on the borders of Scotland to be strengthened, for the truce has already expired, and many here think that there will be soon war on either side. Indeed a gentleman named Thomas Scot (fn. 10) has come from that country, sent by Mr. D'Arcy, who, as I am informed, waited this morning on the King and spoke so urgently, that the King, after listening to what he had to say, sat in Council for upwards of three hours, and the general report at court is that he brings news [from Scotland] likely to produce a rupture between the two countries. I will omit no trouble or fatigue to ascertain what Sir Thomas' real mission is, that I may inform Your Majesty.—London, 16th December 1532.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys.''
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England. Received on the 15th of January [1533]."
French. Holograph. pp. 5.
19 Dec.1034. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
S. E. Rom. L. 857,
f. 9.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 183.
Her Majesty's letter of the 19th ulto was duly received. October passed away and the king of England, disregarding the resolution taken in Consistory, sent no mandate whatever. I am told that when at the expiration of the term assigned the English excusator and the ambassadors saw that the proceedings would be resumed, they appealed against the decision of the cardinals, bringing forward all manner of protests and requisitions, until, as the ambassador (Mai) informs me, some days previous to His Holiness' departure from Rome, the above resolution was declared and confirmed by a papal decree. Owing, however, to the Pope's departure, which took place on the 18th instant, the sentence by contumacy (contradittas) was necessarily delayed; but I hope that whilst the Emperor is here, at Bologna, (fn. 11) and before he embarks at Genoa for Spain, he will prevail on His Holiness to pronounce a definitive one.
With regard to the brief itself, Your Majesty will see by my letter of the 10th, a duplicate of which is here enclosed, that I never rested until I saw it made out and sent to Rome, there to be published and notified through contumacy of the party, after which it will be forwarded to the towns of Flanders to be notified in the churches, (fn. 12) and also printed for greater publicity. Enclosed is a copy of the brief itself, and a Spanish translation, that its contents may be the better explained to Your Imperial Majesty.
I have received a letter from the queen of England, which is likewise enclosed, (fn. 13) it is the original in her own hand, and I beg and entreat that it may be kept with the others I have sent on former occasions until my return to Spain, for I intend keeping them all as relics, persuaded as I am that she (the Queen) will one of these days be canonized by the Church on account of her sanctity and virtues, and that miracles will be worked by her invocation.
The conferences between the kings of France and England have ended, and two cardinals, Agrimonte (Gabriel de Grammont) and Tornon (François de Tournon) are expected here. Nobody knows exactly what they come for, nor what passed at the conferences; but I dare say Your Majesty knows from other sources. God be praised for not permitting that the King's iniquitous marriage to that Anne (Boleyn) should take place, as people did prognosticate! that being perhaps the reason why His Holiness has again declared null any marriage which the King may hereafter be tempted to contract. (fn. 14) It is asserted that, according to a custom prevalent in England, whenever the King or Queen send to visit one another they present each other with rings and other jewels, and that the Queen always did so on such occasions. Some time before the King had sent word to her not to send him any more jewels, as he would certainly not accept them; but it appears that before his departure for the conferences at Calais he asked her for her jewels. At first the Queen refused, on the plea that as His Highness had said that he would have no more presents she could not well disobey his commands. The King insisted, and wrote a letter asking her for all her jewels and precious stones, every one of which the Queen sent him, saying that since such was His Highness' pleasure she was ready to obey his commands and, therefore, remitted them to him.
The ambassador (Mai) when consulted by me as to my coming here (to Bologna) said at first that I ought to remain at Rome and not follow the Pope's court except by express mandate from the Emperor, but upon my representing that I had nothing to do there as long as the Pope was absent, and the cause in suspense, he consented, or rather left it entirely to my discretion,—Bologna, 19th December 1532.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
19 Dec.1035. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L. 857,
f. 10.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 193.
Two days before the Pope left [for Bologna] the cardinal of Siguenza, being at the time with him, I was sent for and accordingly went in. Seeing the opportunity at hand, I begged His Holiness to let me read the minute of the brief, that I might see, before it was sent to England according to promise, how it was worded. His Holiness answered that he would; he had (he said) given orders to his secretary [Sanga] to shew the minute to me as soon as it was ready. Upon my replying, that notwithstanding His Holiness' express orders, that secretary had flatly refused to shew it, though often importuned by me, Sanga was sent for, and gravely reprimanded in my presence for not having exhibited to the ambassador (Mai) or to me the minute of the said brief, according to orders; though I must declare that as the said Sanga was going out of the room I distinctly heard him mutter between his teeth that it was no fault of his if the minute had not been communicated to us. I gave an account of all this to the ambassador (Mai), and next day I myself called on him with Sanga, and with the minute all ready. The ambassador (Mai) inspected it, and said it was all right. I myself had that very morning spoken with His Holiness, who had promised that the minute would be brought next day to the embassy. "That, I should think is enough (said Mai to me); after that you (Ortiz) ought to be satisfied, as I myself am with the result. But you must know that I have promised the Pope that no use shall be made of this brief until the Papal Nuncio in England has informed the King thereof."
Such was Miçer Mai's speech to me. Evidently that ambassador considered himself obliged to make such a promise, or else he would never have consented to it. I told him that I was exceedingly sorry to hear that he had taken such an engagement, which would naturally cause delay; for (I said) although the brief will be dated the 17th, which was the day the minute was shewn to us, it is quite plain to me that its delivery and execution will necessarily coincide with the Pope's and His Majesty's meeting at Bologna, by no means so favourable an opportunity as when the kings of France and England were holding their interview [at Calais]. There, in that town, and in the midst of the conferences ought the brief to have been put into the hands of the English king, that God's justice should be more patent. (fn. 15)
What the ambassador (Mai) may have accomplished in this matter during the Pope's journey I cannot tell, but it strikes me that if the brief has not been forwarded to England there is no reason to retain it here any longer.
Respecting the English excusator's case the ambassador told me before his departure [for Bologna] that the difficulty had been removed, and that the resolution taken in consistory had been confirmed by a decretal of His Holiness, as he himself has no doubt informed Your Majesty.
After the Pope's departure there was nothing more for me to do at Rome, yet in hopes of my being able to be useful to the queen of England I have come to this town of Bologna, though entirely without resources and having had to borrow money from friends.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Indorsed: "Copy of the letter which I (Pedro Ortiz) wrote to Her Majesty the Empress."
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 3.
24 Dec.1036. Rodrigo NiÑo to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,310,
ff. 42–44.
B. M.Add 28,585,
f. 188.
(Cipher;) Since the enclosed despatch was written Lorenzo Belojo has come and related to me the conversation he had with the Turkish ambassador, (fn. 16) who is now here. He had called twice on him, and on each occasion the ambassador had expressed a hope that peace might be brought about between his master, the Sultan, and Your Imperial Majesty. Belojo observed that he could not see how that object could be attained, for that Your Majesty could not make the first overtures, and as to sending ambassadors to Constantinople it was out of the question. The Turk replied that the Imperial ambassadors might very well go thither on some pretence or other, and then treat about peace, which was so desirable a thing for both nations. To this Belojo again objected, and said that Your Majesty's dignity and power were such that he doubted whether you would ever consent to anything of the sort, but suggested that since he (the ambassador) seemed so desirous of peace, he might treat of it through the mediation of this Signory, with whom he seems to be on such excellent terms. The ambassador's reply was: "I very much doubt whether the Signory will accept the charge, for generally speaking your Christian powers are at daggers drawn with each other, and always trying to cause destructive wars among themselves. The kings of France and England in particular, and the rest of the Christian princes, all wish to see the Emperor in trouble, and even this Signory, notwithstanding their apparent friendship, would like to see the power of the Empire greatly diminished. One of the principal reasons which my master, the Sultan, had for coming this last time to Hungary was the pressing solicitations of the king of France. I know that better than anyone else, because I have acted as interpreter in all the negotiations, and translated the papers brought by Rincon [to Constantinople]; and besides I know that most of the princes and electors of Germany, out of hatred of the king of the Romans, have sent to offer their services to my master. This opportunity seems to me a very favourable one to make a durable peace, as otherwise I am almost sure (he said) that in the summer of 1534, and when the Emperor is in Spain, Christendom will be invaded both by sea and land."
To these arguments of the Turkish ambassador Lorenço Belojo replied in suitable terms, saying that it was for his master, the Sultan, to procure that peace he seemed to wish for, not for Your Majesty, who single handed and without the assistance of other Christian princes had repelled the invasion, inflicting such severe loss on him that he had actually been obliged to retreat into Turkey. He should not place any confidence in Your Majesty's probable absence from Italy, because you could at any time come back from Spain in five days with a powerful fleet, and meet him.
When Belojo related this conversation to me I approved of the manner in which he had met the ambassador's overtures, and told him that since the Turk owned that he had acted as an interpreter for Rincon, and translated also the letters of the German princes, he might perhaps get out of him some valuable information on the subject. Belojo promised that he would and we may perhaps in this way ascertain what king Francis and that traitor Rincon have been about all this time.
My own idea,'seeing the ambassador's great desire for peace, is that the Sultan did evacuate Hungary with much greater loss in men than was reported at the time, perhaps as much as one third of his army; that he is mightily afraid of Your Majesty's power, and that he considers himself hoaxed by the Most Christian King, and will place no confidence in him for the future.
Belojo tells me that he is determined to go and tell the members of the Council of the "Dieci"all that has been said by this Turkish ambassador, and what he himself has answered, because should it come one of these days to their knowledge that such a conversation has taken place, and he (Belojo) has not informed them thereof, he is almost sure to suffer through it. He tells me that a message has lately been sent to the said Turkish ambassador informing him that it is time for him to go away, and that the Turk is delaying his departure on the plea that the weather is unfavourable for sailing. Indeed, being again urged three days ago to prepare for his journey he begged and entreated to be allowed to remain here in Venice all this winter, as he says he wishes to gain a thorough knowledge of Christian politics, (fn. 17) and hear what will come out of this interview between Your Majesty and the Pope, of the mission of these French cardinals, &c. In short, Belojo tells me that he is quite astonished at the deep knowledge this said Turk has of Christian affairs in general, though I rather suspect that by thus tarrying at Venice he may have some other object in view than learning our manners, and that perhaps he is expecting some answer from France. As to his general information, I have no doubt he possesses it in no small degree, for speaking, as he does, Venetian fluently, all those who wish to converse with him have easy access to his residence, without being hindered by the guard which the Signory has allotted him, whilst those of his suit, mostly Italian renegadoes, go about the city perfectly free.
The Signory has already chosen the ambassadors (fn. 18) who are to go to Constantinople to congratulate on the Sultan's safe return to the capital of his dominions. They are also about to appoint a bailli in the room of the one who is there, and who has asked for leave to return.—Venice, 24th December 1532.
Signed: "Rodrigo Niño."
Addressed: "S. C. C. M."
Spanish. Original entirely in cipher. pp. 9.
___1037. Lope Huktado, Imperial ambassador in Portugal, to the Same.
S. E. Port. L. 369,
f. 194.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 204.
On the 29th ulto the king of Portugal (João) made to Dom Estevão D'Almeyda and to me [Lope Hurtado] the following answer respecting the queen of England's case. The Emperor (he said) had informed him through me that the king of Enlgand intended to divorce from his Queen, and requested that both should meet somewhere to advise the best means of preventing that, and send trusty persons to England who might conjointly counsel and help in the affair. (fn. 19) He (the King) had answered His Imperial Majesty how much he regretted the circumstance, and that he would willingly choose proper persons to send to England, but although in compliance with the Emperor's wishes he (the King) had appointed such ambassadors and informed His Imperial Majesty thereof, he had not heard anything more on the subject.
As to the suit itself, he (the King) did not know if the Empress as a woman wished to appear in it or not, for whenever there was a question pending between women of low station in life, wished always to know before it commenced whether it was their custom [in Portugal] to ascertain first what the difference was about, and if this was the case between persons of low birth with greater reason ought it to be between princes. (fn. 20) He would send Dom Pedro Mascarenhas to speak to His Majesty on this subject, that he might hear from his own lips what had been done respecting the king of England.
He had likewise ordered his ambassador at Rome to speak with His Holiness, and beg he should act in this case as befitted a thing of such quality and importance and which so nearly concerned him, and likewise to let him know in what stage the suit was. When informed of all these particulars he (the King) would see what could be done to assist the Queen, his aunt, as he was bound to do.
This message Dom Estevan might take to His Majesty and at the same time announce that his lawyers had examined the Queen's case and found her right clearly established. If the Emperor wished to see what the opinion of his lawyers was, he (the King) would willingly forward a copy, &c.
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
1038. Granvelle to the Same.
S. E. Aleman. L.
636, f. 88.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 207.
This morning the memoranda drawn by the Count Palatine (Frederic) were put into the King's hands. (fn. 21) After that I called on the Papal Legate, whom I found in company with the archbishop Brundusin (Aleander bishop of Brindisi). I shewed to them the paper on the Council which Your Majesty and both your privy councillors had previously seen. They found it correct and to their liking; it will be translated into German, and presented to the Diet to-morrow morning.
I have also declared to the said Archbishop and Legate the points on which the Lutherans at Nuremberg still insist, and both have agreed with me that the thing is well worth being consulted at Rome, inasmuch as it is to be feared the Estates will not hear of any such conditions as those proposed.
Your Majesty's councillors have been consulted and their opinion is that the pretensions of the Lutherans ought to be put down in writing, and then sent to the Estates to deliberate upon them all in conformity with the memorandum given to the Legate and Nuncio.
The Privy Council has likewise deliberated on the appointment of fit persons to go to the Swiss.
Indorsed: "Memorandum for the Emperor's approval at Ratisbon, drawn in the small village close to that city (en el lugarejo).
French. Original. pp. 2.
1039. Deliberations of the Privy Council.
S, E. Aleman. L.
636, f. 88.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 205.
Andrea Doria and the fleet under his command.
Grants of land to Monbardon and Chalayn in the marquisate of Corata. They cannot take place as the lands are already in the possession of Baubry (Waury). Neither can the other be taken from Mr. de Pelu (Peloux), who has already come to complain.
Pechin Pelu and Montfort.—Princes of Salerno and Bisignano.
The king of the Romans and the 100,000 ducats which he expects to receive from the Pope.
Prothonotary Caracciolo writes from Milan that the five Catholic cantons are already beginning to stir against the Lutheran ones, and that he believes the thing will go on. Meanwhile the Lutheran preachers are everywhere spreading the rumour that the king of France will assist them to maintain their Faith, and he (Caracciolo) would urge the departure of the Verulano (bishop of Veroli). It would he advisable to think what is to be done with the person appointed to go instead of him from hence.
Letters to sign respecting the business of the count of Urueña.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 14.
1040. The high commander Covos to the Emperor.
S. E. Ale. L. 636,
f. 95.
B.M. Add. 29,585,
f. 209.
Rodrigo Enriquez and his mission to Monaco. (fn. 22)
Enclosed are the answers to the marquis del Gasto (Vasto) and Hernando (Gonzaga). Both complain that they have no money to pay their men, and that they will never be able to be in Germany for the time they are wanted. The former says that one month's pay is not enough for the infantry under his orders, and Gonzaga asserts that even two will not do for the cavalry. As to Antonio de Leyva he writes that the men under his command will certainly not march unless they receive three months' pay beforehand. Even then he does not believe they will be in Germany before three months are over.
The ambassadors from Lorraine leave to-morrow, well satisfied with Your Majesty's resolution. The archdeacon of Toux (Toul), (fn. 23) who is one of them, wished to see Your Majesty and speak about a sum of 15,000 ducats, which, he says, his master, the Duke, lent to Mr. de Bourbon at the time that the latter was in Your Majesty's service. I told him, however, that this was not the opportune moment to treat of such things and he accordingly desisted.
Spanish and French. Original. pp. 2.

Footnotes

1 No doubt count peppoli (Ugo), about whom see vol. iii., part 2, pp. 542 and 769.
2 By Marichal, from the French mareschal des logis, the quartermaster is meant.
3 "Y tornaré primero al papa para que lleve mas fresco lo que dixere."
4 Elsewhere Monpezant; but his real name seems to have been Antoine des Pres, sieur do Montpezat.
5 "Qu'il sçauoit bien que le roy de France sestoit tresfort dolu et mescontente du traictement que luy auoit este fait en Espaigne [que] de mouvoir guerre aux geneuois (sic) puis que dautre cause ne pouuoit sans enfraindre les traictez pensant que ce sera donner matiere de contreuenir aus dits traictez ueuillant vostre maieste assister aus dits genevois."
6 "Et que le conte de Tende auoit este despeche de la court pour aller en France."Claude de Savoie, 6on of René, the bastard of Sayoie, killed at Pavia in 1525, was at this time governor of Provence. King Francis being then out of France, properly so called, the Count was no doubt dispatched thither to hasten the military preparations mentioned in other despatches.
7 "Et apres furent veoir le tresor et la ou pour les nouvelles que le dit ambassadeur auoit referees, ou a contemplation de la dame le roy luy donna lune des belles couppes dorees que fut a la trouppe (?), et des que le dit ambassadeur fut de retour en son logis,"&c.
8 "Que avant le moys de may ilz feroient en France bruyre (sic) arnois et tembours."
9 "Et ny eut [ung] seul de toute la bende (sic) qui ne se print a debatre ou disputer que le pape faisoit tres mal de non remectre yci la cause, et que oncques Ie roy nenuoyeroit pouvoir."
10 Thomas of Pitgorno, or Sir William Scott, of Balwery? Mr. D'Arcy is Sir Thomas Lord Darcy.
11 The Emperor arrived at Bologna on the 20th.
12 "Para que se notifique en la iglesia, de contradictas y luego se embiará á los otros lugares donde se ha de notificar en Flandes."
13 Probably that of the 14th of April, from Ampthill, in Bedfordshire, see p. 422, No. 931.
14 "Y gloria sea á, N[uest]ro Señor que no se atentó al [a] iniquidad que se avia divulgado, que el rey de Inglaterra querie casarse con aquella Ana, por lo qual en este breve so Santd. torna otra vez á irritar qualquier matrimonio que el rey de Inglaterra temerariamente atentase.''
15 After a long discourse on the divorce case Ortiz adds the following: "El qual tiempo no es tan acomodado como aquel en el qual, mientras esta[ba]n juntos el Rey de Francia y el Rey de Inglaterra, era necesario que el Reyno de Dios alli resplandeciese en la explication de su justicia, intimandose este breve, pues el reyno de Sathanas con tan gran desverguença y iniquidad alli havie puesto su vandera con el pernicioso exemplo y escandalo de aquella mujer, que alli se llevo, en el qual todos los que lo ven y lo saben seran testigos de la condenacion de los que lo hazen y de los que lo consienten."
16 "Haueva prima [Solimano] spedito á Venetia Ibraim Bei suo ambasciatore a ragguagliare dei successi delle sue armi in Vngheria, e di hauere confermata nel trono la fluttuante fortuna del Re Giovanni amico della republica."Vianoli, Historia Veneta, II., p. 151.
17 "Para entender muy de raiz los cosas de la Ohristiandad."
18 Tomaso Mocenigo and Francesco Barbaro, this last in the room of the Bailo Pietro Zeno, who had asked for his recall. See Vianoli, loc. laud. p. 150.
19 "Dixonos que el Emperador nuestro señor por mi le avia hecho saber lo que la Reina de Ynglaterra le avia escrito, lo quel Rey, su marido, queria hazer con ella, pidiendole que huviese por bien que los dos se juntasen para embiar personas a Ynglaterra y quel havia respondido á su M lo que le pesava,"&c.
20 "Quel pleito no sabia [él] si la Emperatriz, nuestra señora, como muger asistia en él, y que quando avia cosa entre personas vajas (sic) que fuesse de differeucia, siempre querrian saber antes de ponerse en ella la causa por que la movian, que si esto era entre las otras personas, mejor se deviera hazer entre principes."
21 The King here alluded to is Ferdinand, archduke of Austria, king of Bohemia and Hungary, then at Ratisbon with his brother, the Emperor.
22 This despatch, if it be really one, as the endorsement in the handwriting of one of the clerks under Covos describes it, bears no date, and is calendared in Bergenroth's collection after December 1532. But I have already observed (see Introductions to parts 1 and 2,) that generally speaking all papers and letters bearing no date have been placed by the executors of that editor at the end of the year to which they were supposed to belong. In the present case I think that this memorandum, evidently addressed like the preceding and following, Nos. 1039 and 1041, by secretary Covos to the Emperor, of business to be transacted, and letters to be signed by him respecting Genoa and Italy, must have been drawn some time before the period at which both the marquis del Vasto, in command of the Imperial army, and Ferrante Gonzaga, the general of the cavalry, left for Germany, and when the Emperor was still at Ratisbon, i.e., in May or June 1532.
23 "Larchidiacre de Toux (sic), quest lung des ambassadeurs,"says the original minute, for it must be observed that the second paragraph of this memorandum is in French, having probably been drawn by Grandvelle, or some other Imperial minister, not u Spaniard, like those of No. 1038 and 1039.