June 1536, 11-30


Institute of Historical Research



Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

Year published





Comment on this article
Double click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line

Citation Show another format:

'Spain: June 1536, 11-30', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2: 1536-1538 (1888), pp. 162-169. URL: Date accessed: 16 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


(Min 3 characters)

June 1536, 11-30

11 June.62. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
S. E., L. 865,
f. 93.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 289.
On the first day of Easter the Papal bull convoking the General Council for the city of Mantua was published; enclosed is a copy of it. On the following Friday His Holiness in Consistory elected three legates besides cardinal Sancta Cruz, who is to go to the king of the Romans (Ferdinand), negociate peace between him and the Vayvode (Zapolsky), and try to secure the reduction of the Bohemians to the Holy Apostolic See. Cardinal Carachuli (Caracciolo) is to go as legate to the Emperor, and cardinal Trivultio to the king of France, with the special mission of bringing about, if they possibly can, a lasting peace between the Empire and that country.
What Eustace Chapuys now writes concerning the condemnation and execution of Anne [Boleyn] and her several lovers agrees with the account he (Ortiz) forwarded one month before, and that of the 2nd inst. (fn. 1) On the 2nd day of May, Anne, the King's mistress, was arrested and sent to the Tower of London, with five of her paramours, one of whom was her own brother. All were beheaded on the 17th of the same month, and on the ensuing Friday Anne herself was executed. The King has ordered the speedy convocation of Parliament for Whitsuntide (Penthecostes), when it is hoped great things will be done. May our Lord be pleased that it be so! for the exaltation of Her most Serene Highness the Princess (Mary),—who by the last accounts was suffering from toothache and neuralgia.
They say that Anne, though executed [outside the Tower] before a great concourse of people, had previously taken the sacraments in her cell. She complained of not having been beheaded on the previous Wednesday, when her brother and the rest were executed in the square of London, for she said she hoped to have gone to Paradise along with him, and in short that she died for upholding the laws of the kingdom.
Two out of Anne's five lovers confessed their crime, and one, who was the King's first chamberlain, made before dying a long speech, and said that he justly deserved death, for no servant favored by a king ought to flatter him by acceding to his wishes as he had done.—Rome, 11 June 1536.
Signed: "El Dr. Ortiz."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2½.
17 June.63. Reginald Pole to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 1311,
f. 137.
B. M. Add. 28,590,
f. 5.
Most Sacred Imperial Majesty: finding myself here, at Venice, where I came for the purpose of living in peace and at leisure, entirely devoted to the study of letters, to which I have always been much inclined, and which constitutes nowadays my principal recreation and pastime, as well as of escaping from the troubles and dissensions likely to afflict England, the Spanish consul in this city, Miçer Martino [Çornoça], (fn. 2) showed me a letter he had written without my knowledge, as well as the answer received from Your Imperial Majesty, concerning my humble person. In truth, were I to reveal my secret thoughts at the time that Martino's letter and Your Majesty's answer were read to me, I should confess that my first impression was one of sorrow and affliction at the idea that the pleasant leisure hours which I am passing in this city would be suddenly interrupted. But Miçer Martino having after that disclosure given me to understand the imminent danger in which my own country lay, threatened, as it is, with intestine wars and disturbances of all kinds unless a remedy of some sort be speedily applied; having, moreover, represented to me the piteous case--one by which my imagination has been and is still tormented—of His Highness the king of England, my lord and master, endowed by God with all qualities and parts which constitute a great and religious prince, being now on the point, induced by false and wicked representations, of following a path unworthy of his many virtues—the said Martino intimating that if I chose to stop such evil a way was opened to me, which was to let Your Majesty know as soon as possible what means might in my opinion be employed to repair the mischief already done in England, and peaceably bring matters to their former state—exhorting me to take the affair in hand, and set to work as soon as possible for fear of the fire of discord being kindled and destroying England before a remedy is applied; considering also how exasperated minds were all over Spain, of which fact the Consul showed me evident proofs as well as several letters from Your Highness testifying to the indignation caused by king Henry's acts, I did not hesitate to accept the charge.
Having now carefully reflected and pondered on the subject, as well as on the advances made to me, (fn. 3) wishing moreover not to fail in what I consider to be my duty towards my country, I have resolved to send to Your Majesty the bearer of this my letter, a gentleman of wisdom and trust, who will verbally explain both my ideas on the matter and the means of executing my plan, thinking, as I then did, and do still, that communications of this kind could not be conveyed so well in writing as verbally through a trusty messenger.
I will not, therefore, trouble Your Majesty with a long letter on the subject, yet I hnmbly beg and entreat Your Majesty that, before attempting to remedy the evils of England by violence and force of arms, peaceful means, such as I propose, or any others, which Your Majesty's consummate wisdom may suggest, be first tried. Nor is it to be feared that at this present juncture and state of things in England, the divine favor, which has always attended Your Imperial Majesty's good and Christian intentions, as well as your own constant attachment to peace, can possibly fail you; on the contrary, it is quite to be expected that God will help you to do there in England so good and efficient a work as to exceed all human calculations and thoughts. Such a hope I myself am the more inclined to entertain when I think of Your Imperial Majesty's singular piety, of the King my master's benevolent and religious disposition, and above all of the incredible patience and sufferings as well as the unwavering faith of Her Royal Highness [queen Katharine], Your Majesty's aunt, (fn. 4) who, to speak the truth, was the only pattern of our present, and I may also add of future, times of virtue, religion, as well as love towards His Highness the King, her husband, since no accident, however adverse, could ever separate her from him, having firmly, and whilst she lived, entertained the hope that God by His infinite mercy would ultimately give him back to her.
Most Sacred Majesty, though it is altogether impossible to make any sort of affirmation respecting God's inscrutable designs, yet it is to be hoped that He will direct the heart and the actions of Your Imperial Majesty to such an end,—a most honorable and beneficial one to the Christian commonwealth—whilst I and all good Christians will go on fervently praying the Almighty to preserve Your Majesty's health and prosperity for many long years to come. Your Sacred Catholic Majesty's most humble servant, Raynaldo Pole. Dat. Venetiis, xvii. Jünii 1536.
(Lower down.)—I, the undersigned, Martin de Jaureguibarria, alias de Çornoca, was witness that the above letter of credence was written and signed by the hand of His Illustrious Signory, Reynaldo Polo.—Signed Martin de Çornoça.
Signed: "Raynaldo Pole."
Indorsed: "From Reynaldo Pole to His Majesty—on English affairs. Answered at Palermo on the 14th Oct. 1537 (sic). (fn. 5)
20 June.
B. Neg. d'Ang.
tom. 1.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 295.
64. England: the Princess' Marriage. Instructions to Don Diego De Mendoça and Chapuys.
Whereas the Emperor's wish has always been to preserve the old friendship, alliances, treaties, confederations, and good understanding between himself and his very dear and much beloved brother, Henry king of England and France, lord of Ireland, &c., whereas he is now more desirous than ever of removing any obstacles that may stand in the way of the confirmation of the said friendship and alliance, and of rendering it closer and more binding, as well as indissoluble, by means of a marriage between our cousin the Princess Mary and his brother-in-law, the Infante of Portugal, Dom Luiz, he appoints his faithful and beloved councillors D. Diego de Mendoza and Messire Eustace Chapuys, Doctor-es-droits, to whom he gives full powers to treat about the said alliance and marriage. Asti, (fn. 6) 21 June 1536.
French. Original draft. pp. 2.
21 June.65. Instructions to Don Diego de MendoçA.
B. Neg. d'Angl.
tom. 1.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 295.
Is to bring about a marriage between Dom Luiz, Infante of Portugal, and princess Mary of England.—Asti, 21 June 1536.
French. Contemporary copy.
21 June.66. Dr. Ortiz to Commander Molina.
S. E. Roma, L. 865,
f. 95.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 296.
The present is merely to inform your Lordship that the king of England has married again, and taken to wife a lady who was already in the family-way by him five or six months ago.—Rome, 26 June 1536.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Spanish. Holograph. p. 1.
26 June.67. The Same to the Same.
S. E. Roma, 865,
f. 78.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 118.
Having written twice this month, and this "estafetta" going in haste, I write these few lines to inform His Majesty and your Worship that the king of England has married again, and taken to wife a lady, (fn. 7) who was already in the family-way by him five or six months ago.—Rome, 26 June 1536. (fn. 8)
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Addressed: "To the most magnificent the commander Juan [Vazquez] de Molina, the Empress' secretary."
Spanish. Holograph. p. 1.
30 June.68. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
S. E., L. 806, f. 58.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 297.
Your despatch of the 6th inst., (fn. 9) brought by Jorge (George) your servant, came duly to hand. We could not then answer it, for We were on the eve of departure. (fn. 10) The information conveyed in it respecting your conferences with that King and his ministers as well as with the new Queen (Jane Seymour), on the subject of the proposed marriage of our brother-in-law, the Infante Dom Luiz, and Princess Mary [of England], is very valuable to Us at the present juncture. You have done Us pleasure and service, and We thank you for it.
Coming to the substantial point in your despatch, which is the insistence with which both the King and Cromwell urge your writing to Us, and propounding peace in their name, you did well to answer as you have done. It is not for Us to vindicate our conduct with France, nor can We give to the world a more irrefragable testimony than the one We have publicly given at Rome. King Francis, on the other hand, persists, as he says, in his intention of going to war, simply because We do not choose to give Milan to the duke of Orleans.Such he declares to be his intention; and when his ambassador left our court, he made no mystery of it; he had (he said) no other charge from his master than to procure the duchy of Milan for the duke of Orleans.
Besides that, the king of France never restored to the duke of Savoy (Carlo III.), our cousin and brother-in-law, the towns and lands so unjustly snatched from him. He has since gone from bad to worse, and has lastly intimated to our ambassador (Hannaërt) the order to leave his court. A copy of our answer to the said ambassador was forwarded to you from Asti; you will judge by it what little chance there is of the war not breaking out soon. Besides, We hear that king Francis has had war proclaimed all along our Flemish frontier, and that on the same day that the proclamation was issued some of his men crossed the frontiers, and took some prisoners.
Matters being in this state, We do not think that the intervention of the king of England or of any other power will avail to conquer the obstinacy of the French king. You did well in telling king Henry that the only efficient means of bringing Francis to his senses is for him to declare openly that he espouses our quarrel, and places himself on our side. We need not record or enumerate here, having already done it first from Gaeta, and afterwards from Flanders, his many contraventions of the existing treaties between Us and the king of France, such as the affairs of Würtenberg, Gheldres, and Savoy, the forcible detention of our vassals and subjects in his galleys, and this last war which he has actually commenced.
You will tell the king of England that the opportunity is at hand to make the declaration We require of him for his greater honor and profit, and the welfare of his kingdom. You will persist in this course with the King, with Cromwell, and with the other ministers, and, if required, We ourselves will write a private letter to the former, and remit you new powers to treat accordingly.
You wish to know what is to be done in case of the King insisting upon our treating with him, and his wishing to know before hand our conditions. Our answer is, that you (Chapuys) may at once promise and assure king Henry that We shall not make peace with France until he himself has recovered his due according to our former treaties and capitulations; but you will try to ascertain what is the King's real intention and wish as to declaring against France, what help he proposes to give, and principally whether there is any probability of getting from him a good sum of money to be employed in the undertaking; how much, and when to be received; for since it is difficult to get soldiers from England, it is but just to get assistance in money. In fact, you will try to ascertain the King's views on the subject, that We may see what can be done to secure his alliance. Should you perceive that no real assistance can be procured from England, then in that case you will temporise with the King, and conduct the negociations in such a manner that he may remain neutral and not help directly or indirectly the king of France.
With regard to our treating, or allowing directly or indirectly the discussion of measures against the Pope or his authority, or to the prejudice of the General Council, that is a thing which We really cannot and will not in any wise do, however things may go, You must, therefore, be on the lookout, according as you may guess what the King's intentions are; for if you cannot induce him to return to the obedience of the Roman Church, or trust to Us for the negociation of a treaty or convention between the Pope and himself, you may at once stipulate that all matters relating to the Pope and to the Council may be excluded from the treaty, and no mention whatever be made of them; that is in case you saw a good inclination in other matters, for without that, it would be far preferable to temporise, and treat of the affairs of His Holiness and of the General Council amicably so as to gain time with the King, and see what .will come out of this our undertaking, so that if the King does not actually help, he at least may not oppose Us. (fn. 11)
You did well in making king Henry and his ministers understand what We once wrote to you respecting his marriage to the Infanta of Portugal (Maria), the daughter of the queen of France (Eleanor) our sister, for although there could be at the time no hope of his accepting the offer, yet it was a further proof of our good intentions towards him and his kingdom.
With regard to the marriage of the Infante of Portugal [Dom Luiz] and our cousin, the Princess (Mary), We should be extremely glad if it could be brought about. It would be a very suitable match for both parties, besides which, it might possibly be the means of bringing back the King to the obedience of the Church. True, if the marriage is to be made, it would be required that in the marriage settlements, if not before, the Princess should be declared legitimate heiress to the English throne in case of the King dying without male children;—a thing which, considering the manifestations lately made by the King himself, and the words which Cromwell has let out to you, appears to Us not unlikely. At any rate, as you very properly say, even if the declaration is not made, all the king of England may in future do against the Princess cannot invalidate her right to the succession, and, therefore, should you perceive that the King or his ministers are unwilling to make the aforesaid declaration, you will try to ascertain what dower the King intends giving the Princess both in money and in jewels, and assure him that on our part We will do the best We can to the satisfaction of the contracting parties as well as of the King himself.
Indorsed: "Copia de las cartas que S,. M,.C,. escribio a su Embajador en Inglaterra, de Gaeta, ó 28 Março y de Savilla (Savigliano), 30 de Junio.
Spanish. Original minute. pp. 9.
30 June.69. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
S. E. Port., L. 371,
f. 196.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 207 b.
With regard to the marriage of the Infante Dom Luiz of Portugal, our brother-in-law, with our cousin the princess of England (Mary), We can only tell you that our wish is that it may be brought forward as soon as possible, not only because We do consider it highly advantageous for both parties, but because it might help, if effected, towards bringing the king of England back within the pale of the Church, as well as for many other considerations equally weighty, which We leave entirely to your judgment and discretion.
True is it that it would be highly important that in the treaty to be concluded for the said marriage, our cousin, the Princess, should be declared heir and successor to the Crown in case of the king of England not having legitimate male children,—a declaration which We hope will sooner or later be made by Parliament, considering the repeated marks of good will and tender love with which the King her father, and the Queen herself, have lately treated her, and Cromwell's repeated promises to that effect. Yet should such a declaration not be made, as We hope and trust that it will, nothing the King has hitherto done or may do hereafter can injure the Princess, or impair her rights in the least, as you have written to Us. Should you, however, find out that the King or his ministers are unwilling to make the said declaration, you will still go on with the negociation, and try to ascertain what dower the King intends giving his daughter, the Princess, on her marriage with Dom Luiz, and let Us know, always striving that the said dower and provision be the most considerable that you can get. (fn. 12) —Savillan (Savigliano), 13 June 1536.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.


1 See No. 58, p. 134, and No. 49, headed "News from England" of the 2nd May.
2 His real name, as appears from his own affidavit at the end of this letter, was Martin de Jauréguibarriá alias de çornoza, from the town of that name in the Basque provinces, although it must be said that he generally signed "Martin de Çornoça." He it was who, on the 4th of August 1534, first wrote to the Emperor on behalf of Pole, hinting that some use might be made of him for the English business, "provided some substantial offer with a solid foundation were made." After that Chapuys was consulted, and asked whether he (Pole) was as highly connected in England as reported, and whether he would or would not make a fit husband for princess Mary. Chapuys' affirmative answer, dated the 8th of November, but referring to a preceding report of his "more than a year ago," is published at full in part i., p. 323. In February 1535 the Emperor writes that he is daily expecting a messenger from the person called Reynard (Reginald), living close to Venice; and on the 5th of June cardinal Contarini writes to the Emperor from that city that Pole is about to send a gentleman of his suite to explain verbally how and by what means he intends carrying his plans into execution. This leaves no doubt as to the date of Pole's letter being 17th of June 1536, not 1535, as the copies from Simaneas, including those in Bergenroth's collection, bear.
3 "Io allora raccolto fra me, e ben considerando quanto me haveva detto."
4 "A la quale sperancia (sic) sommamente me move la bonta et religiosa singulare di vostra Maiesta, et religiosa natura del Smo mio Re, ma sopra tutte le altre cose, adesso mi accende la incredibile patientia et firmissima sperantia posita in Dio de la serenissima amita di vostra maestá," &c.
5 As above stated, the date is 1535, and that of the indorsement 1537, but, owing to the above reasons, I have not hesitated in calendaring both Pole's letter in June, and the Emperor's answer in October, within the year 1536.
6 From the 26th of May to the 22nd of June the Emperor was at Asti. See Bradford, p. 503. The Don Diego de Mendoza named in this paper was no other than the celebrated author of the "Lazarillo de Tormes," "La Guerra de Granada" and other works.
7 Lady Jane Seymour.
8 The letter itself is only a repetition of that of the 21st. Molina (Juan Vazquez de), the Emperors' privy councillor, had been appointed secretary to the Empress Isabella during her husband's frequent absences from Spain. See above, p. 9, note. He was lord of Payo and Eliseda, knight commander of Guadalcanal in the Military Order of Santiago, and first standard-bearer (alferez mayor) of the city of Ubeda in Andalucia. He died as late as 1571. See Garma y Duran, Theatro Universal de España, vol. iv., p. 51-2.
9 See No. 55, p. 122.
10 The Emperor was then at Savigliano, ready to invade Provence.
11 "En lo que toca a nos tractar ny permitir nada que sea directamente o por indirecte contra el Papa ni su autoridad, ó en perjuicio del Concilio eso es cosa que no podemos ni queremos hacer como quiera que sea, y por esto myrareis, segun que como está, dicho vierdes, y conocierdes la intencion del dicho Señor Rey, que si vos no le podeys induzir á tornar á la observanzia de la Iglesia Romana, ó de remitir en nuestras manos el tractar concierto entre el papa y el, que lo que toca a la santd, y tambien al Concilio á lo menos no entre en el dicho tratado ni se haga mencion dello; y esto aun en caso, que vos viessedes que se puede hazer algund grand bien en lo demas, porque syn esto mejor será que el negocio de su Santidad y del Concilio se entretenga en comunicacion amigable para ganar tiempo y entretener al Rey."
12 This is placed immediately after No. 61 (26 June) endorsed with the following note : "After this, and before His Majesty crossed the frontier and entered France, another letter was addressed to the ambassador in London (Eustace Çhapuys) on the 30th of June 1536." According to the "Itinerary of Charles the Fifth," published by William Bradford as an appendix to his Correspondence of the Emperor Charles, London, 1850, "the first place in France where the Emperor stopped was the small town of St. Lorenz in Provence. Here [at Savigliano], after much deliberation, the expedition against France was determined upon, and commenced with a considerable force. The Emperor passed by Nice, and came to St. Lorenz in Provence, where the whole force, both of sea and land, was assembled, and a great council of war concerning the future operations held," pp. 503-4. But Vandenessa, the author of the "Itinerary," omits to say on which day Charles crossed the frontier, though, it may be concluded from the note appended to his letter, as above, that his arrival at St. Lorenz must have taken place on the 1st of July.