Spain
July 1536, 16-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1888

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205-218

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'Spain: July 1536, 16-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2: 1536-1538 (1888), pp. 205-218. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87967 Date accessed: 30 July 2014.


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July 1536, 16-31

22 July.77. The Same to the Same.
Wien,
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229, No. 37.
My secretary, as Your Majesty may have heard by my last despatch, arrived on the 14th inst., (fn. 1) and on the same day, whilst forwarding to Cromwell the packet from the English ambassador residing at Your Majesty's court, I informed him that I had a letter of your Majesty's for the King, begging him to appoint a day and hour for its delivery. I likewise desired him to give me an appointment, as I wished, before presenting the letter to the King, his master, to learn from his (Cromwell's) mouth how affairs stood, and what advice he had to give me, so as to shape my words accordingly, adding that as I knew his prudence and wisdom, and his singular desire throughout for the good issue of the pending negociations, I considered that he fully deserved to be my guide, and have the honor of taking a principal part in the affair. Cromwell's answer was that he would see me on the next day in the morning, and would then signify the King's will as to the presentation of Your Majesty's letter and other matters.
Accordingly on the appointed day and hour Cromwell and I met at a church. The Secretary began to say that letters had been received from the English ambassadors in France recounting the issue of French affairs at Foussan, the eventual burning of certain men-at-arms and horses inside Lyons, Your Majesty's arrival in Provence, and the braggings of king Francis, who boasted that he would soon march in person against you. To do which (Cromwell observed) the preparations are very feeble, as I hear that king Francis has only been able to enlist 5 or 6,000 Swiss, from which it was considered certain that His Majesty would come with great glory and reputation out of his present undertaking.
After this I proceeded to give Cromwell a summary account of what Your Majesty had been pleased to write to me concerning the negociations of peace between Your Majesty and the king of France, adding that in order not to dissemble with him, I could not do less than declare that it was perfectly true that I had written to Your Majesty in most formal terms that my own impression was that what the King, his master, said concerning the peace in contemplation was more by way of compliment than out of affection for Your Majesty; and I went on to show him what my reasons were for the said conjecture. Hearing this, Cromwell knew not what to answer; nor did he take any notice of another observation I made, which was that when the news of the peace arrived, he and his colleagues in the Privy Council had given signs of disappointment, and that neither the King nor they, themselves, had shown any pleasure or approbation at Your Majesty proposing to give Milan to Francis' second or third son; with which condition, and without reducing in some manner the ambition and vainglory of king Francis, it was utterly impossible to come to terms of peace. (fn. 2) That I had been assured that since Your Majesty had heard that this king did not consider it sensible or prudent to bestow the duchy of Milan on one of the sons of France, you had shut your ears to any proposition of that kind, especially after my writing that the King was in earnest and working sincerely and ardently for the establishment of peace and particularly for the increase of friendship and alliance between England and the Empire, as could be seen by your letter written at Rome on the second day of Easter. It seemed to me, I said, as if the King had only alluded to the peace incidentally, as if he thought that Your Majesty was not in earnest, and wished only to dissemble and gain time, since we never came to the point in a decisive manner. And certainly neither Your Majesty nor your ministers could, be made responsible for such procrastination, for he (Cromwell) was well aware that I had omitted nothing on my part to bring about the settlement of the peace.
Cromwell heard most patiently the above remarks of mine; he remained, contrary to his usual habit, silent and thoughtful for some time, after which he began to say that it would certainly have been a meritorious work in the eyes of God, and one very acceptable to the World in general, had Your Majesty consented to the peace being made, especially if it was in contemplation of the King, his master, to whom Your Majesty ought to have written a pressing and almost imperious letter (fn. 3) on the subject. But on my replying to him that Your Majesty could not do that on many considerations, which I mentioned, he again kept silence without knowing what to say. With respect to the other point, the renewal of friendship, Cromwell said that that very morning he had spoken of it to the King for upwards of one hour and a half, and that after pondering over the affair, and considering it under all its aspects, they had concluded that there was no need of new treaties, no appearance at all of a fresh one being wanted, since the old ones were quite sufficient for all purposes. They (the English) had observed them most faithfully; and now, being at peace and without fear or suspicion of war, it was not their interest to abstain from those treaties unless they gained something by their abstention. They fancied that Your Majesty would take the kingdom of France for yourself rather than give it up to them; on the other hand, they were pretty sure that Your Majesty would never condescend to act against the Pope as they had done and were doing. "These two," Cromwell added, "are the only reasons why the King, my master, declines making a fresh treaty with the Emperor."
I must confess that Cromwell's reasoning took me greatly by surprise. I was not less astonished when, having brought to his recollection several things he had said to me concerning the establishment of that peace and alliance, he feigned not to recollect them, and knew not what to answer. And upon my asking him why he had on former occasions pressed me so hard to declare what my instructions were, I told him after a good deal of conversation that Your Majesty, in order to co-operate towards the establishment of peace, and restore the old friendship and alliance with his master, had positively sent me full powers to treat; which declaration I accompanied with a prayer that he should work strenuously for its accomplishment. Hearing which Cromwell exclaimed with a joyful countenance, "These are good news indeed, and better than we expected." Our ambasssador at the Imperial court writes to say that there is a report of Your Majesty being about to send a personage to treat of the said matters, and now you tell me that you have full powers to do so. So much the better, and it will not be my fault if things do not go on well. It is already a good beginning for the good issue of the negociations the Princess being reconciled with the King her father, who is showing as much love and affection for her as ever a father did show to a daughter. I may tell you besides that the King has sent orders to all the ports on the coast not to assist or favour in any way French vessels navigating the Channel, or purchase booty or spoil taken by French privateers."
About to depart, Cromwell said to me that had he not been prevented, as I could see, from going to Court, he would immediately have gone thither with me, and obtained an audience from the King. He believed, nevertheless, that the day after to-morrow, that is Sunday next, he would be able to procure it. Sunday, however, came; and Cromwell, owing to some sudden indisposition, could not go to Court. For that reason, or perhaps to make room for the French ambassador, who remained there all the day, he sent me no message. Nor was any appointment made for Monday or Tuesday, which is partly to be accounted for by this king and his ministers being busily engaged in closing the sessions of Parliament and Estates. At last, on Wednesday, hearing that the King was about to depart for Dover, I myself sent to ask for an audience, which was granted.
On my way to Court, fearing that perhaps Cromwell had not sufficiently acquainted the King with my pressing and earnest solicitations for an audience before and after the return of my secretary, I fully decided to mention the fact to him, lest he should think that I no longer insisted upon getting a categorical answer to Your Majesty's overtures. I did so, and told him how matters stood, and what I had done all this time, in order to procure an audience from him. The King owned that he had been duly informed of what passed before the Privy Council between the French ambassador and myself, and likewise of my frequent applications for an audience. After that I presented to him Your Majesty's letter, which he read with great attention, and very slowly; rather, as I think, to try and see whether he could not discover some fault or flaw in it than for any other purpose. The King next interrogated me about my credentials. With regard to Your Majesty's excuses for not accepting his mediation for a peace with France, he made no remark whatever at the time, nor did he say anything to the contrary, save that he would have wished extremely to be a mediator in your quarrel with king Francis; but since that could no longer be prevented, that he very much wished the war to be carried on in those places where, according to his own engagements and treaties with France, he himself should not be obliged to assist and help the king of that country; as, for instance, not on the frontiers of Picardy, where, as he had lately heard, Your Majesty's men had lately occupied the town of Bray (fn. 4) though there was no great probability of the Imperial troops advancing much further on that side. That was for him (he said) a question of honor, to safeguard which he was bound to stake his substance and his blood as well as that of his subjects. He cared little (he added) whether Imperialists and Frenchmen broke each other's heads or not, provided it was somewhere not close to his own frontiers. My answer was that if matters stood so, he could have no occasion to complain, as he had done to me some days ago, of the invasion, as he called it, of Piedmont by Your Majesty's forces against the French, and of the summons made in your name to the marquis de Saluzza.
The King replied that it was not he, but the French themselves who had complained. He might not consider himself bound to help the French in Piedmont; that did not prevent his thinking that Your Majesty had been the aggressor, &c. on that side.
On this point the King and I disputed for some time, until, having plainly proved to him that the French were the real infractors of the treaties, and voluntary invaders of Piedmont, and having, moreover, demonstrated the legitimate right you might have to Provence and the Dauphinois, he said to me, "Very well, let the Emperor use that right there or elsewhere, as he likes best, provided it be not on the frontier of my dominions, the defence of which I should be, as I tell you, obliged to undertake"
Thereupon I told him that since the French had been the first to pass those frontiers, and make incursions into Flanders, it was perfectly allowable for Your Majesty to retaliate and pursue your enemy to death, according to the laws of warfare, nay to reduce him to such extremity as to prevent his making any attacks in future. It was for him (said I) to resent the French attacks on Flanders, and the capture by them of certain Spanish ships within English ports, or very close upon the coasts of England; and that though he might have engaged to defend the French against all enemieswhich engagement I thought was not specified in the treaties with France, as he himself had affirmed to me on a previous occasionthat was no reason to derogate from those entered into with Your Majesty, for the "mutual defence" could not be understood against you, if the engagement and promise were considered general. Even if directed against Your Majesty, it could only be so incase of iniquitous and unprovoked invasion; (fn. 5) for although some lawyers pretend that the vassal in swearing fealty to his lord promises to serve and help him against all the world, without informing himself whether the quarrel be just and legitimate or not, yet the present case is a different one, and he (the King) ought to be guided by other sentiments. All engagements and oaths (I said) had their implied conditions, (fn. 1) one of which was that the promise and engagement must be just and honestwhich certainly cannot be said of this present onedirected, as it is, to help and defend a disturber of Christian tranquillity, and usurper of the patrimonial estate of one so closely related to him and so old a friend as Your Majesty is. And besides he was to consider that according to the prescriptions of Civil Law he who engages to defend some one against his enemies, and to reimburse him of all his expenses, is not bound to keep his promise if the enmity complained of is caused by the fault and sin of the very man to whom the promise has been made.
(fn. 6)
The King replied that he had well considered and weighed what civil law prescribed in such cases, and likewise the reason and meaning of treaties and confederations in general. Their text was clear and express, not open to commentary, and that in the present case it was no matter of consequence to him whether king Francis had or had not been the first to infringe the treaties, especially in matters which did not affect him in the least. My allegation that the French had been the first to attack Your Majesty's men on the frontiers was met by the King with the following argument: "I grant you that the French may have been the first to invade the Emperor's territory, but the invasion being susceptible of reparation cannot be said to be a case of rupture; had they taken possession of towns and lands as you, the Imperialists, have done, that would have been a real 'casus belli' " And upon my observing to him that whoever examined carefully the treaties would labour hard before he could find in them motives for so subtle and casuistical a distinction; that in the two cases he had mentioned the parties were equally liable to reparation and restitution; that if Your Majesty were in the place of the king of France you would certainly be contented with your own, perhaps also with less, for the sake of peace and tranquillity in Christendom; and lastly that he could well guess that had the towns of Flanders been as easy to take as the cows in its fields, the French, who were by nature an ambitious and grasping nation, would long ago have left none, whether in time of peace or of war, the King made no remark worth transcribing.
After this the King asked me point-blank, "What is, after all, the Emperor's quarrel with king Francis, and what does he complain of? "My answer was that I did not know exactly; that Your Majesty did certainly claim the possession of certain lands and territories, and among others the duchy of Burgundy, the whole of which evidently belonged to you, and had neither been abandoned nor made over by the treaties of Madrid and Cambray, as the French openly gave it to be understood; on the contrary, your full right to it had been so clearly defined and confirmed that without any further title than the letter of those treaties Your Majesty had a just claim to establish; for that right having been fully stipulated in the Madrid convention, and partly confirmed by the treaty of Cambray, king Francis having openly contravened this latter} he can no longer appeal to and avail himself of the modification introduced in it respecting Burgundy; on the contrary, having broken his oath with regard to the said stipulation, he is obliged to fulfil all the clauses contained in the two treaties, whereas Your Majesty becomes exempt from all obligations.
The King replied, "If so, why not attack Burgundy and leave Picardy in peace? You must not think, however, that what I said before about my being bound to observe my treaties with France is the result of a preconcerted plan and secret understanding with the French. No, it is my honest and sincere opinion concerning those points, and in that strain I intend writing a letter to the Emperor, your master." I replied that he must be aware that right in war consisted in looking out for all the means of reducing the enemy and bringing him to reason, and that he himself was so gentle and virtuous a prince that I had not the least doubt that he would write to Your Majesty and act in the affair with that magnanimity and wisdom which his own interests, close relationship, and old friendship and alliance with Your Majesty demanded, considering also the great honor and profit he himself might gain by deciding in your favor.
After this, I said to him that the French, having so frequently broken their promises and engagements towards him, he himself was not bound to the observance of his treaties with them; and I further stated as my own private opinion that, had they on the present occasion met with the least approval or correspondence on the part of Your Majesty they would have been the first to abandon him. Thereupon the King remarked that king Francis denied the fact altogether; he maintained the contrary, offering, should Your Majesty make the affirmation, to defend his assertion personally. "If you choose," the King added, "to hear that denial and contradiction from the French ambassador's lips, I will send for him, and he will speak out." My reply was that I had no particular instruction on that point, nor any need whatever of discussing such matters with that ambassador. He (the King) could, no doubt, recollect that when I spoke to him on the subject I begged, and entreated him to keep my statement a secret, and not to divulge it to anyone, much less to the king of France or his ambassadors. I was afraid Your Majesty would be displeased at hearing that a disclosure made confidentially and under reserve should have been made public through my instrumentality; even if it had been Your Majesty's wish that the thing should be known, he (the King) had sufficient excuse for not informing king Francis of it (fn. 7) no other justification or testimony of the fact being, in my opinion, needed, save the veracity and integrity of the reporter, and the great loyalty and faithfulness of the other party. (fn. 8)
With regard to their bravadoes, the French, I said, ought to be somewhat ashamed of themselves to talk of such things, considering what occurred on their king's former defiance and challenge. Now was the moment for deciding that and other quarrels by way of arms. I doubted very much whether king Francis would feel disposed to affirm and maintain that his ambassador had never made such assertions before the Privy Council. (fn. 9) The King's reply was that certainly he himself had done his utmost to conceal whence the report came, but had at last been obliged, to disclose it. Thus the King spoke, yet I could perceive by his change of countenance and manner that he really regretted having said such things to me.
At last the King said to me, "I have no doubt that, after all, Papal legates (fn. 10) and ambassadors throughout the World will be able to secure peace one way or other." Hearing which I could not help smiling, and saying that if the Holy Father himself had been unable to accomplish it when things were in a better state than they are at present, there was very little chance of his legates or other diplomates settling the affairs between Your Majesty and king Francis. It was for him (said I) to have the honor and the profit of it through his declaration in favor of Your Majesty.
I ended by telling the King that I was furnished with full powers and sufficient instructions to treat of the matter, and that, if he wished it, I could exhibit them. He said he was very glad of it, and would appoint certain members of his Privy Council to examine the documents. Twice or three times did he try, though in a most indirect manner, to ascertain whether I had or had not in my instructions some clause respecting the recovery of the dominions he himself pretends to in France, but I feigned not to understand what he meant (fn. 11) I then took leave of him, and departed, and I must say that upon the whole he received me most graciously. I must not forget that among other objections the King started in the course of our convention one was that Your Majesty aimed at universal monarchy, which objection, however, I combated with such powerful arguments that I brought him over completely, so that knew not what to say in reply.
To-day is the third after my conference with the King. Ever since I have been expecting to be summoned before the Privy Council, but I see yet no appearance of it; and it seems to me, as I have always written to Your Majesty, that these people; the more desire one shows of transacting business with them, the colder and more indifferent they become. Indeed my private opinion is, that, whatever they may say or do, they will never declare openly for the one or for the other of the parties until they see the chance, or at least the appearance, of making their own profit out of the affray. They are now, as I hear from various quarters, much perplexed, and in fear that the legates may not be able, after all, to bring about peace between Your Majesty and king Francis. Indeed, since the news has come of the near arrival of the said legates, and of the rumour afloat that Mr. de Likerke has already obtained or is about to obtain a safe-conduct to return to France, they have made more caresses than usual to the French ambassador; whether in order to throw obstacles in the way of peace, or with a view to make me jealous, and render me more amenable to their own plans, I cannot positively say.
Parliament finished on Tuesday; and, as I wrote to Your Majesty, the appointment of the successor to the Crown has remained in blank, and entirely at the King's will. With regard to the Faith and Church ceremonials, certain well-founded constitutions have been framed. The same Parliament has condemned to death as rebels the earl of Kildare, and four or five more of his own kinsmen, as well as the younger brother of the duke of Norfolk, this latter, for having tried in the presence of witnesses to contract a marriage with the daughter of the queen of Scotland by the earl of Angus, a statute having since been made and promulgated condemning to death as traitor whoever should, without the King's sanction, treat of marriage with a lady of Royal blood, ordering also that should the lady herself have consented she should likewise incur pain of death. It appears, however, that in the present case the sentence will not be carried out on the queen of Scotland's daughter owing to the marriage not having been consummated, and to her having been pardoned since. Had she done worse, it seems to me that she still deserved forgiveness; for, after all, she has witnessed and is daily witnessing many examples of that in her own domestic circle, and besides that she is said to have attained marriageable life more than eight years ago. The lady (fn. 12) however, since the discovery, has entirely disappeared from Court, and no one knows whether she is in the Tower, or somewhere else in prison. (fn. 13)
The King is very much annoyed at his niece's marriage, the more so that he has no hope of the duke of Richmond, whom he certainly intended to be his heir and succcessor, living long; so fully did he mean this, that, had he not fallen ill, he would have had him proclaimed by Parliament, that being, no doubt, the King's chief reason for insisting so much on the Princess (Mary) subscribing to the statute, which delared her to be a bastard. (fn. 14) —London, 22 July 1536.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original. Ciphered. pp. 17.
22 July.78. Copy of King Henry's Letter to the Emperor.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 8.
Most high and powerful prince, &c. Hearing that in consequence of certain differences and contentions lately arisen between you and our dearest and most beloved brother, cousin, and perpetual ally, the most Christian king of France, matters have come to such an extreme of hostility and anger that you both have come to the determination of deciding the question by the sword; thereby resorting to mortal strife and warfare, from which it is to be feared much loss of life and property, as well as ruin and destruction of your respective dominions,—nay, of the whole of Christendom,—is likely to ensue; considering also that the blessings of peace are really immense, and that We are called upon, and it is also our duty, to promote what may be profitable and beneficial to the establishment of that peace, as well as agreeable to God. Considering that the contest and dispute to which We allude is between two princes equally attached to Us by the bonds of friendship and alliance, We cannot do less, out of friendly regard to each and both of you, than work as We best can towards calming and soothing down your over irritated and passionate feelings, and make you both come to some sort of composition or arrangement likely to allay the rigor of your acts, always dangerous under the circumstances.
Should you think Us the proper person to bring about the above-desired end or to conduct the negotiations, which, as far as the parties concerned, is no indifferent matter, We would willingly undertake that task, though We must remind you that, being bound by treaty to help and assist the king of France, should some of the territories or provinces belonging to him before the signing of that treaty be attacked or invaded, We could not do less than attend to the letter of that treaty, and be, perhaps, thwarted in our earnest desire to bring about a peace between both of you.
In order, therefore, to avoid the said contingency, and any other that may be disagreeable to you, We have decided to beg and request you not to assail or invade, if possible, any part of the dominions actually belonging, or which may have belonged to our beloved brother and cousin, the most Christian king of France, lest We should be obliged, by the letter of the treaties of alliance still existing between as, to lean to his side in the present quarrel, &c.—Dover, xxii. of July 1536.
Signed: "Your good brother, cousin, and ally, Henry."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Spanish. Translation. Copy. pp. 2.
22 July.79. The King of England to the Emperor.
P. Arc. Nat.,
Neg. Pap. de Sim.
K. 1642.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 6.
Has heard that his differences with king Francis have gone so far that he (the Emperor) is determined to end them by the sword. As by the existing treaties between the king of the French and himself he (Henry) is bound to defend his ally in case of his being attacked, he earnestly requests and entreats him to forbear from any invasion of the French territory, if he has not done so already, as is rumoured, and to place his personal quarrels with that monarch in the hands of impartial arbiters for them to decide. Your good brother, cousin, and ally, Henry. (fn. 15) —Dover, xxii. of July 1536.
Spanish. Translation from the French. pp. 2.
23 July.80. Count de Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. E., S. d. G.,
Mar. y Tierra,
B. M. Add. 28,589.
f. 71.
On the 17th cardinal Caracciolo was sent to Milan.
Lope de Soria writes that Guido Rangone has taken service with the king of France. The Venetians having upbraided him for his conduct, that condottiero's answer was that he had first offered his services to the Pope, imagining that he would arm on the occasion; but that, finding he did not move in that line, he had preferred going over to the French. His Holiness is very angry at this; and, on the other hand, the Count threatens to take his revenge in the neighbourhood of the castles which he himself owns in the territory of the Church.
Will do his best to ascertain what truth there is in all this, and will try to gain over Francesco de Viterbo. (fn. 16)
Chevalier Casale is still urging him (Sylva) to intercede with His Holiness to send a nuncio of his own to the king of England. This (says Casale) will most surely contribute to recall that country from the state in which it is at present, and bring it over to the good path. He (Sylva) begs for information as to his future conduct in that affair, (fn. 17) should it be again brought forward by Casale.
Needs not say that private individuals here [at Rome] are stirring in favor of France. Jacopo di Cesis, the brother of the Cardinal, among others was the other day trying to purchase a number of arquebuses and other arms; but he (Sylva) went up to the Pope, complained thereof, and the affair was stopped.
Cardinals of Mantua, Trivulzio, and Caracciolo, their commission.
Count Guido Rangone has written to a brother of bishop Gambaro, who is here (in Rome), that really and truly he has accepted service under king Francis. The Pope has just sent him [Sylva], by one of his secretaries, Rangone's original letter for perusal, adding that should the Count make any stir in the territory of the Church, he (the Pope) is disposed to make a strong demonstration in favor of the Emperor.
Tello de Guzman has just arrived.—Rome, 22 (fn. 18) July 1536.
Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
22 July.81. King Henry to the Same.
S. E. L. 806,
f. 50.
B. M. Add, 28, 589,
f. 8.
The same as No. 79, only fuller.
23 July.82. Count de Cifuentes to the Same.
S. See de Guerra,
Mar. y Tierra, L. 9.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 11.
On the 17th inst. His Holiness gave cardinal Caracciolo permission to go to Milan.
Lope de Soria writes that count Guido Rangone has at last taken service under the French. The Papal Nuncio at Venice writes, that, having pressed that "condottiero" to go to Rome and take an engagement under His Holiness, his answer has been, that when he heard that the Pope was arming he offered his services, but seeing no movement in that he had determined to seek his venture elsewhere. Soria adds, that Pope Paul is very indignant at this, but count Guido persists nevertheless in his determination, threatening to do all the harm he can from certain castles he holds in the lands of the Church.
He (Sylva) will try to ascertain what truth there is in this report, and urge the Pope to make some suitable demonstration. Will also endeavour to get hold of Francesco di Viterbo.
Cavalier Casale (fn. 19) is still importuning him (Silva) to use all his influence with the Pope that he may send now one of his nuncios to England, for, says he, the measure will prove particularly beneficial under the circumstances, and be, perhaps, the means of recalling the king of that country from the opinions he entertains on religious matters. Wishes to know how he is to act in that particular, in case Casale should insist. (fn. 20)
Will say nothing of certain revolutionary stir in England because he (Silva) considers that His Majesty must be sufficiently informed thereof by this time.
Giacopo Cesis, the brother of the Cardinal, and other Romans, made show some time ago of buying hackbuts and other weapons, but His Holiness hearing of it put a stop to their hostile plans, if they had any.
Cardinal Mantua (Hercole d'Este) says that Triulzo has written to His Holiness a different account from that which he himself signed conjointly with Caracciolo. On hearing of that he (Sylva) begged the Cardinal to write to his brother the duke (Frederico) about it.
Since then the Pope's secretary has called to say that count Guido Rangone has actually written a letter to a brother of cardinal Gambaro confirming the fact of his having entered into the French service; and it is added that on the papal nuncio remonstrating against that, and begging that the Count should not be admitted, king Francis replied, "I do not know what His Holiness complains of, for certainly I have as much right as the Emperor has to take count Guido into my service." The Pope's secretary, however, assured him (Sylva) that, should count Guido make any stir in the lands of the Church, he should with the Emperor's favour and assistance be dealt with severely. (fn. 21)
When the courier, bearer of this despatch, was about to depart, Tello de Guzman arrived.—Rome, 23 July 1536.
Signed: "Count de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp.

Footnotes

1 See above, No. 61, p. 137.
2 "Sans quoy toutesfoys non ayant ung peu rabaissee lambicion et gloire du dict roy de France nestoit possible venir en appoinctement."
3 "Specialement en contemplacion du dict roy son maistre, au quel il eust voulu que vostre maieste eust escript en certaine forme assez impertinente (?)."
4 Bray-sur-Somme in the arrondissement de Peronne in Picardy.
5 Et ores que la promesse fust tout generale et quelle comprint tout le monde, toutesfois la dicte promesse se debuoit entendre en cas dinvasion inique et iniurieuse."
6 Tous iurements avoient pluseurs condicions subaudites (?) du droit.'
7 "Ie lui diz que navoye charge ne que affaire (faire) de parler de telles matieres au dict ambassadeur de france, et si bien se vouloit souvenir le dict roy, quant ie luy tins telz propoz, ie luy suppliay quil le gardat pour soy et que pensoye que vostre maiéste nauroit plesir que [ie] leusse dit pour non rappourter chose que eust ete dicte a icelle en particulier et en quelque confidence, et quant il y eust pleu il se fut bien excuse de le faire sçauoir au dict roy."
8 "Et nen deuoit demander outre justification ne temoingnage que de considerer la veracite et integrate du diseur, et la grande loyaulte et fiducite de lautre partie."
9 "Et quant a la brauete de leur combat quilz devroient avoir ung peu de honte ou respect den parler acteudu ce qu'estoit cy devant passe, et que le cas estoit en termes pour vuyder telles et autres querelles, et ne sçay que le roy de france vouldroit soubstenir, dire ne affirmer que son ambassadeur neust mis en avant telles choses."
10 "En apres il me vint a dire que ces legaulx qui traictoient par le monde concluroient ceste paix."
11 "Et tascha bien deux ou trois foys de assentir [sentir?] de loing si auoye quclque charge de traicter de la recouvrance de ce quil pretend en france, mais je dissimulay tousjours dentendre a ce quil vouloit dire."
12 "La Princesse" (says Chapuys) but I have substituted "lady."
13 "Et pareillement le moingsne frere du due de Norpboc pour auoir par parolles de present traicte marriage avec la fille de la royne descosse et du conte danguix, et sest fait statut que desormais seroit tenu pour traictre celluy qui sans consentement du roy traicteroit de manage avec personne du sang royal, et que aussi eust de morir le mesme personaige du sang royal; mais pour maintenant a este pardonne quant a la vie a la dicte dame, actendu mesmement que la copule charnelle ny estoit entrevenue. Et certes quant elle eust fait beaucoup pis, elle estoit digne dauoir pardon actendu tant dexamples domestiques quelle a veu et voit iournellement, et quil y a passe viii. ans quelle estoit en disposition et exige dauoir mary. Depuis que le cas a este descouvert elle ne comparoit poinct, et ne sçet lon si elle est en la tour ou [en] quelque autre prison."
14 "Le dict roy est bien desplaisant de ce mariage dicelle sa nyece, trop plus de ce que il ny a espoir que le due de Richemont puist vivre long temps, le quel pour tout certain il entendoit de faire son successeur, et pensoit, si la maladie ne fut survenue, le faire declairer par le Parlement; et fut une des causes pour la quelle le dict roy feit si grande instance que la princesse comprouat (sic approuat?) les estatuz que la tenoient pour bastarde."
15 Evidently a duplicate in abstract of the preceding letter No. 79.
16 "Y procurará de hauer á Francisco de Viterbo."
17 "Todavia me insta el cavallero Casal para que hable á su Sd que embie uu Nuncio, &c." On the margin of this is a note [by Covos?) to this effect: "For the present, and before letters come from England, and we know the result of the negociations there, you must refrain from expressing any opinion on the matter, as otherwise it might become embarrassing, considering what the ambassador (Chapuys) writes about the Princess, &c."
18 The copy has 23, but the original is of the 22nd.
19 Sir Gregory.
20 A marginal note in front of this passage has the following: "For the present, and until news comes from England, and we know what is the result of the negociation there pending, it would not be wise to entertain Casale's overtures, much less engage the Pope to send his nuncio to England. What the ambassador (Chapuys) writes concerning the Princess is a sufficient reason for our wishing to know more particulars before the step you speak of be taken."
21 "Let the ambassador promise as much in conformity with the instructions sent by Giovan Pietro Capharello," says a marginal note in Covos' hand.