Spain
February 1537

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1888

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310-327

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'Spain: February 1537', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2: 1536-1538 (1888), pp. 310-327. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87977 Date accessed: 25 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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February 1537, 1-28

7 Feb.129. The Emperor to Chapuys.
S. E. Portugal,
L. 371, ff. 195-6.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 205.
In March 1535, at Our departure from Naples for Rome, considering the state of affairs in England, and that the king of that country had actually married, during his own wife's life, the concubine with whom he had lived for many years; finding that in the course of time the King's love for the said woman had somewhat abated, and that the Princess, Our cousin, began to be better treated, and, above all recollecting on the occasion that it is Our duty as well as wish to co-operate as much as possible the honor and profit of the Infante of Portugal, Dom Luiz, We wrote from Gaeta commanding you to propose at once the marriage of the said Princess, Our cousin, to the Infante Dom Luiz under the following conditions.
The first was that in nowise during the negociation of the said marriage were the honor and reputation of Our aunt, the late queen of England, to be in any manner affected, nor the rights of Our beloved cousin, the princess Mary, to the succession impaired, she being the legitimate daughter of the late queen Katharine by her husband, the king of England, and therefore fully entitled to the succession in case of the King not having male children. Such was Our determination at the time, and such it is now after the death of Our good aunt, the queen of England. But you must take great care that in whatever negociations may be carried on now for that purpose the Princess be considered and held as such legitimate daughter of king Henry and queen Katharine, and her right to the succession and crown of England in case of the King not leaving legitimate male children, expressly reserved to her. Should, however, king Henry not consent to the above declaration and reserve, let matters remain as they are at present, and the Princess be maintained in her rights, such as they are, until her father's death, she being in the meanwhile married to a prince possessing sufficient property or revenue to support her according to her rank and quality.
In so doing three most important considerations must be attended to. The first is, that during the King's natural life the Princess, his daughter, cannot rightly ask for more, her action being naturally limited. Nor can We and her other relatives advance further claims in her favor; for even the injuries inflicted upon her mother, the late Queen, could not be a reason for the Princess to persist in enmity against the King, her father, or allow any revengeful action against him, even if her mother's death had been accelerated, as there is reason to apprehend. (fn. 1) Had it been possible to prosecute the execution of the sentence on the divorce suit, and oblige the King to discard his mistress, ho might still have married another woman and had male succession ; whereas it was quite evident to Us that from Anne the King could have none save illegitimate children, and therefore incapable of affecting the Princess' right to the Crown.
The second consideration was, that by adopting the above expedient it might be easy to take the Princess out of England, and preserve her from the immense danger to which her life, as you well know, was continually exposed. By having her married to a prince suited to her rank and quality, the Princess could in future, with the assistance and help of her kinsmen and allies, claim her rights, uphold them boldly, and recover what was once her own. And if with God's help and favor there should be male issue from the proposed marriage, this might afford the King, her father, occasion and opportunity to acknowledge his past errors, and call his daughter and her sons to the succession, to the great contentment and satisfaction of his own subjects, greatly stimulated, as We have no doubt, by the treaty which We shall not fail to conclude with him, should our proposals be accepted.
The third consideration was, that it could not be called a bad bargain, that by which the king of England might be brought back to the pale of the Roman Church, even if it were necessary to leave in his hands part and portion of the ecclesiastical revenues of his kingdom, and remove Our cousin, the Princess, from England, since neither in the one thing nor in the other was there any harm for the future ; besides which, means might be found in time to reinstate the English Church in all her lost possessions, especially should the succession fall to the Princess' lot.
With regard to the Princess herself, no treaty whatever made before her departure from England could injure her just rights, for everyone knows the danger and fear in which she has lived ; and therefore, though the King's mistress might have been dissatisfied with the proposed means of declaration and suspension—which by the way she and her adherents ought to have considered a great boon in order to escape the danger and fear in which they continually were—though she asked more for her daughter [Elizabeth] and other daughters or sons she might have had, that was no reason to break off the negociation on that account, but, on the contrary, to try and see what her intentions might have been (fn. 2) in that respect.
The situation of affairs is now different. And, therefore, after declaring to the King whatever you may think proper, should you find that his conditions are exorbitant, you will ask time to consider and inform Us thereof; and, with Cromwell's assistance, if he really can and will do what he has offered and promised, you will do your best to forward the interests of Our said cousin. Should there be in the negotiation anything to be kept secret from the King's mistress or her adherents, of course you will take care that it remain so.
Should the King wish to marry again, you are not to oppose him provided he is in earnest, and his marriage advantageous for the advancement of the present negociation; for neither Our cousin nor We can possibly prevent him from doing so, if he chooses. (fn. 3) After all, this would be a much better state of things for the Princess, inasmuch as her father's second marriage would in a certain measure confirm the first, as well as her mother's rights and her own, besides being altogether the cause of her being better treated in future. Indeed, should the King's marriage be a suitable one, We could not do less than help him by means of the treaty in question; (fn. 4) and whereas one of the principal points for the King as well as for his mistress, whoever she may be, and her adherents is to consider where and how the Princess is to be married, it must also be the means of our taking her out of that country. You shall, therefore, for the Princess' better security, and welfare, stipulate in the treaty, in case of one being made, and try to ascertain to which side the King leans, and in your own name, as if you had no commission whatever from Us, discreetly propose Dom Luiz, infante of Portugal, who was lately with Us at the taking of La Goleta [of Tunis], a prince of such qualities and endowments that he well deserves rising to a higher station and more brilliant position than the one he now occupies. You will do your best to persuade the King, or master Cromwell, as it may be, that the aforesaid Infante by his royal blood and the family to which he belongs, as well as by his many good qualities and endowments, seems to be, as he really is, the fittest and most appropriate husband for Our cousin, the Princess, as well as the best support for him and his kingdom; one whom the [present] mistress and her adherents ought to fear the less, inasmuch as England and Portugal have always been good neighbours, and one has nothing to apprehend from the other. Gaeta, (fn. 5) 7th February 1537.
Spanish. Original minute. pp. 5½.
7 Feb.130. The Same to Luis Samiento de Mendoza.
S. E. Port., L. 371,
ff. 191–3.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 203 b.
It is a custom of the court of England, and one followed by other princes, when treating with sovereigns of a certain importance, to give or cause to be given to the councillors and ministers about the persons of such princes, and most in favor with them, valuable presents of money, pensions, and rich jewels, in order to keep them better disposed to the business their masters have in hand. In this manner the Imperial ambassador in England (Chapuys) writes to Us that he has heard, though he cannot vouch for the fact, that king Francis, neglecting no means whatever of getting at what he wants from the English, has secured the favor and assistance of councillor Cromwell—he who is most in favor now and has greatest influence with his master—by first bestowing on him a good sum of money and afterwards granting him a considerable annual pension. That is not all: the King of England, it is said, has granted Cromwell permission to accept both the gift and the pension; upon which that councillor, who has hitherto befriended Us, has suddenly turned round, and is working in favor of France. (fn. 6)
Our ambassador is of opinion that for the better issue of the present negociation it would be advisable to secure the goodwill and co-operation of the said Cromwell and other privy councillors most acceptable to king Henry, by also making them rich presents and so forth. Such, indeed, appears to be the opinion of the English ambassador residing at this Our court, who, the other day conversing with one of Our privy councillors, agreed that it would not be amiss to prepare some gifts for the English councillors as a token of gratitude for their good-will in the pending negociation. (fn. 7)
In view of which opinion, fully confirmed by information collected from other sources, We have given orders that you should be officially informed of the fact, and learn that all the Kind's privy councillors, and principally the aforesaid Cromwell, ought to be at once presented with some considerable gift. It is for the king of Portugal (Dom Manuel) as well as for the Infante (Dom Luyz) and other members of the Royal Family, to consider whether they themselves ought to make some demonstration in that line. You (the ambassador) should tell them of this. (fn. 8)
Spanish. Original minute. p. 1.
9 Feb.131. Instructions to Alvaro Mendez on the proposed Marriage of the Infante Dom Luiz with the Princess of England.
S. E. Portugal,
L. 371, fol. 191–3.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 193.
What you, Alvaro Mendez de Vasconcellos, councillor and ambassador of the Most Serene, Most High, and Most powerful king of Portugal (Dom Joaõ), are to do on your return to Portugal. Though We fully intended to send to Our brother, the king of Portugal (Dom Joaõ), an ambassador extraordinary, who, conjointly with Luis Sarmiento de Mendoza, who resides for Us at that court, should treat of the marriage of the Infante Dom Luiz, yet hearing that you, yourelf, are about to return to Portugal, and being aware by long experience of your devoted attachment to the King, your master, as well as of the good-will and affection you profess towards Us, We have resolved not to dispatch the said embassy, but to intrust to you, conjointly with Our resident ambassador in Portugal (Sarmiento), the task of representing Our sentiments in that matter of the marriage of the Infante Dom Luiz.
You will tell the King that as We were the first to propose the said marriage, so have We now a great interest in its being accomplished. You will exhibit to him, and, if required, give him copies of all papers, letters, and correspondence between Our ambassador at the court of England (Eustace Chapuys), the King of that country and his ministers; and you will assure the King that nothing shall be left undone on Our part to promote and accomplish the Infante's marriage with Our cousin, the princess of England (Mary).
This being done with the wisdom, tact and discretion which We know you to possess, you will represent to the King the many damages and injuries which in past years, and especially since the beginning of this last war, the French have inflicted upon Us, Our vassals and subjects in all parts of the World, as well as upon those of Our brother, the King [of the Romans]. You yourself are well informed of these things, and, therefore, We need not recapitulate them here. The principal cause of such damages and injuries at sea being that French vessels are allowed to enter and take shelter in the ports of Portugal; and as, on the excuse of merchandise, some, if not all, of those vessels are armed, they can, therefore, sail off when they like, and, pouncing upon our trading craft, capture them at sea, to the great annoyance and loss of Our subjects, who have often complained to Us of it. It strikes Us that there is no other remedy to the said evil than to forbid, as long as the present war lasts, all French vessels, of whatever description they may be, King's ships, privateers, or armed merchantmen, to enter or take shelter in Portuguese ports.
Should the King tell you that what We propose cannot be done without giving offence to king Francis, you will reply that We have no objection to the same measure being taken respecting the vessels of Our subjects. If so, king Francis cannot justly complain; besides which, should a peace be concluded with France, you may be sure that Portugal shall not be forgotten in it.
In former times French merchant vessels very rarely, if ever, went to the Azores with merchandise, whereas now-a-days they frequent those islands, with what intention We need not point out. You will pray and request the King to order that no French vessels of any description be allowed to enter the ports of those islands [the Azores] or take shelter in them. In order to insure that, it would, perhaps, be advisable that the Portuguese caravels there stationed for that purpose, as well as to guard the coast, should immediately repair to their stations in those parts (none, as We have been given to understand, having sailed for that destination last year); and that if any of Our merchant ships should require their help, they should get it on application, and be escorted out of danger on condition of paying the crews for their trouble, Our war vessels doing the same towards the Portuguese should they require it.
We also have been told that a Spanish merchantman, coming from the Hispaniola (Santo Domingo), being chased by French privateers, entered, the other day, the port of Vilanova [de Portimaõ], and that when the sailors were landing the gold she had on board, to have it carried to the Casa de Contratacion, at Seville, the King of Portugal's contractors asked the owners to pay tithe and excise duties. (fn. 9) The same amount was claimed and exacted last year from another ship that entered that port under stress of weather; and as such exactions have never been made since the discovery of the West Indies, and are an innovation upon mercantile practices, We beg of him (the King) that they may be discontinued in future, that the gold seized from the former ship on account of tithe and excise be restored to their owners, and that in future no tithe or duty of any sort be exacted from the masters of vessels coming from the Indies chased by privateers, or obliged by stress of weather to take shelter in Portuguese ports.
With regard to the Inquisition, We are sure that His Highness will give it all favor, as not only is it for God's service, but it saves his kingdom and Ours from contamination of heresy.
You are aware that very often We have had a talk together concerning a certain Frenchman named Honorato, who resides at that court as king Francis' ambassador. The said Honorato being the sort of man that We and you know, it has always occurred to Us that his dismissal from Court ought to be solicited. The reasons We then had to think so have since increased instead of diminishing, and therefore We suggest that, with all due consideration, you ask the King to dismiss him.
On all other points you will concert with Sarmiento.— Valladolid, 9 Feb. 1537.
Signed: "Yo el Rey."
Countersigned: "Covos."
Spanish. Original. pp. 9.
9 Feb.132. The Emperor to Luis Sarmiento de Mendoza.
S. E. Port.,
L. 371, f. 201.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 201.
The Infante Dom Luiz arrived three or four days before on the departure from this city of the gentleman (fn. 10) We are now sending to England. We caused the instructions, as well as all the papers and correspondence relating to the affair to be shown to the Infante. He seemed pleased with all, and had nothing to add or remark.
The gentleman We allude to, set out on his journey; he will arrive very opportunely, for since the first letters from our ambassador [in England] others have been received stating that the King thinks well of the proposed marriage, and We, on Our side, will do Our utmost to bring it about.— Valladolid, 24 March 1537.
Indorsed: "To Luis Sarmiento. Valladolid 24 March."
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.
17 Feb.133. Luis Sarmiento [de Mendoza] to the Emperor.
S. E. Port.,
L. 371, ff. 73–4.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 212.
The king and queen of Portugal received His Majesty's letter brought by Don Manrique [de Lara], and were glad of his visit.
Both were very sorry at hearing of the death of the duke of Florence (Alessandro de'Medici), retired to their own private apartments, and put on mourning, which they still wear. They wished, they said, to send forthwith a messenger to His Majesty; only as they were desirous at once to put a stop to such costly visits, they abandoned their first idea, and now propose that in future, whenever the Emperor wishes to pay them a complimentary visit of congratulation or condolence, he may do so by writing directly to them, or commissioning his ambassador to do so in his name.
The French ambassador at this court announces that the Grand Master of France (Anne de Montmorency), is coming soon to Spain for the purpose of treating of peace. The Infante [Dom Luiz] has asked him twice whether the news is true, and the ambassador's answer has been that nothing was so certain as that.
The letter by Alvaro [Mendez de Vasconcellos], as well as the copies of the instructions; papers, and correspondence relating to the marriage, came duly to hand. Both he [Sarmiento] and the Portuguese ambassador went together to the King. Alvaro spoke first, as agreed.
Saw the King next day, who told him (Sarmiento) that he was exceedingly grateful for all that had been done on behalf of his brother, the Infante, but that as to himself, he could not see how that marriage could be accomplished with any security, considering the well-known inconstancy and fickleness of king Henry. In his opinion (he said), peace might be better secured through the Infante's marriage with one of the daughters of France, giving them the estate of Milan, for in such arrangement there was some security for the future, whereas in the other there was none. His (Sarmiento's) answer was that, no doubt, the Emperor had no other desire than to do what is most likely to ensure peace.
Since then the King has sent for him again, and said that after mature consideration he had made up his mind to the English marriage, but as to the conditions to be offered and asked, he could really say nothing until he heard what the king of England himself thought of it, and how he took the thing.
Spoke to him according to instructions about the French privateers. The King said that to forbid French vessels from entering the ports of Portugal seemed to him a very hard measure, almost tantamount to stopping trade altogether. The remedy proposed respecting French vessels touching at the Azores was, in his opinion, ineffectual, considering the harm privateers generally do, and the way in which they carry on their depredations at sea. They do not go to Portugal for shelter as stated; what they do is to station themselves at certain points between the Azores and Portugal, on the line of passage of vessels coming from the Indies, and, if obliged by stress of weather to depart thence, to sail for shelter either to certain desert islands 20 leagues from Lisbon, or to the coast of France. This reasoning of the King, however, is far from satisfying him (Sarmiento).
On this occasion both the King and the Infante, who was present at the interview, said, "Why does not the Emperor order ships coming from the Indies to wait in some island or other until more have joined, and they are numerous enough to proceed on their voyage, or else for the masters of the ships to give notice that they may be escorted?" Let the Emperor (said the King) write to the Indies and to New Spain ordering all vessels coming thence to congregate at the Tercera, one of the Azores. When in sufficient number to prosecute their voyage let them go on, and if not let them signal, and they shall be escorted to a place of safety. Or else let us and the Emperor fit out a fleet well-armed and capable of obliging the French privateers to leave those waters; but for God's sake let it not be like the one of Seville, last year, for although the ports of that coast were watched and visited, no good whatever was done.
7 Feb.129. The Emperor to Chapuys.
S. E. Portugal,
L. 371, ff. 195-6.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 205.
In March 1535, at Our departure from Naples for Rome, considering the state of affairs in England, and that the king of that country had actually married, during his own wife's life, the concubine with whom he had lived for many years; finding that in the course of time the King's love for the said woman had somewhat abated, and that the Princess, Our cousin, began to be better treated, and, above all recollecting on the occasion that it is Our duty as well as wish to co-operate as much as possible the honor and profit of the Infante of Portugal, Dom Luiz, We wrote from Gaeta commanding you to propose at once the marriage of the said Princess, Our cousin, to the Infante Dom Luiz under the following conditions.
The first was that in nowise during the negociation of the said marriage were the honor and reputation of Our aunt, the late queen of England, to be in any manner affected, nor the rights of Our beloved cousin, the princess Mary, to the succession impaired, she being the legitimate daughter of the late queen Katharine by her husband, the king of England, and therefore fully entitled to the succession in case of the King not having male children. Such was Our determination at the time, and such it is now after the death of Our good aunt, the queen of England. But you must take great care that in whatever negociations may be carried on now for that purpose the Princess be considered and held as such legitimate daughter of king Henry and queen Katharine, and her right to the succession and crown of England in case of the King not leaving legitimate male children, expressly reserved to her. Should, however, king Henry not consent to the above declaration and reserve, let matters remain as they are at present, and the Princess be maintained in her rights, such as they are, until her father's death, she being in the meanwhile married to a prince possessing sufficient property or revenue to support her according to her rank and quality.
In so doing three most important considerations must be attended to. The first is, that during the King's natural life the Princess, his daughter, cannot rightly ask for more, her action being naturally limited. Nor can We and her other relatives advance further claims in her favor; for even the injuries inflicted upon her mother, the late Queen, could not be a reason for the Princess to persist in enmity against the King, her father, or allow any revengeful action against him, even if her mother's death had been accelerated, as there is reason to apprehend. (fn. 1) Had it been possible to prosecute the execution of the sentence on the divorce suit, and oblige the King to discard his mistress, ho might still have married another woman and had male succession ; whereas it was quite evident to Us that from Anne the King could have none save illegitimate children, and therefore incapable of affecting the Princess' right to the Crown.
The second consideration was, that by adopting the above expedient it might be easy to take the Princess out of England, and preserve her from the immense danger to which her life, as you well know, was continually exposed. By having her married to a prince suited to her rank and quality, the Princess could in future, with the assistance and help of her kinsmen and allies, claim her rights, uphold them boldly, and recover what was once her own. And if with God's help and favor there should be male issue from the proposed marriage, this might afford the King, her father, occasion and opportunity to acknowledge his past errors, and call his daughter and her sons to the succession, to the great contentment and satisfaction of his own subjects, greatly stimulated, as We have no doubt, by the treaty which We shall not fail to conclude with him, should our proposals be accepted.
The third consideration was, that it could not be called a bad bargain, that by which the king of England might be brought back to the pale of the Roman Church, even if it were necessary to leave in his hands part and portion of the ecclesiastical revenues of his kingdom, and remove Our cousin, the Princess, from England, since neither in the one thing nor in the other was there any harm for the future ; besides which, means might be found in time to reinstate the English Church in all her lost possessions, especially should the succession fall to the Princess' lot.
With regard to the Princess herself, no treaty whatever made before her departure from England could injure her just rights, for everyone knows the danger and fear in which she has lived ; and therefore, though the King's mistress might have been dissatisfied with the proposed means of declaration and suspension—which by the way she and her adherents ought to have considered a great boon in order to escape the danger and fear in which they continually were—though she asked more for her daughter [Elizabeth] and other daughters or sons she might have had, that was no reason to break off the negociation on that account, but, on the contrary, to try and see what her intentions might have been (fn. 2) in that respect.
The situation of affairs is now different. And, therefore, after declaring to the King whatever you may think proper, should you find that his conditions are exorbitant, you will ask time to consider and inform Us thereof; and, with Cromwell's assistance, if he really can and will do what he has offered and promised, you will do your best to forward the interests of Our said cousin. Should there be in the negotiation anything to be kept secret from the King's mistress or her adherents, of course you will take care that it remain so.
Should the King wish to marry again, you are not to oppose him provided he is in earnest, and his marriage advantageous for the advancement of the present negociation; for neither Our cousin nor We can possibly prevent him from doing so, if he chooses. (fn. 3) After all, this would be a much better state of things for the Princess, inasmuch as her father's second marriage would in a certain measure confirm the first, as well as her mother's rights and her own, besides being altogether the cause of her being better treated in future. Indeed, should the King's marriage be a suitable one, We could not do less than help him by means of the treaty in question; (fn. 4) and whereas one of the principal points for the King as well as for his mistress, whoever she may be, and her adherents is to consider where and how the Princess is to be married, it must also be the means of our taking her out of that country. You shall, therefore, for the Princess' better security, and welfare, stipulate in the treaty, in case of one being made, and try to ascertain to which side the King leans, and in your own name, as if you had no commission whatever from Us, discreetly propose Dom Luiz, infante of Portugal, who was lately with Us at the taking of La Goleta [of Tunis], a prince of such qualities and endowments that he well deserves rising to a higher station and more brilliant position than the one he now occupies. You will do your best to persuade the King, or master Cromwell, as it may be, that the aforesaid Infante by his royal blood and the family to which he belongs, as well as by his many good qualities and endowments, seems to be, as he really is, the fittest and most appropriate husband for Our cousin, the Princess, as well as the best support for him and his kingdom; one whom the [present] mistress and her adherents ought to fear the less, inasmuch as England and Portugal have always been good neighbours, and one has nothing to apprehend from the other. Gaeta, (fn. 5) 7th February 1537.
Spanish. Original minute. pp. 5½.
7 Feb.130. The Same to Luis Samiento de Mendoza.
S. E. Port., L. 371,
ff. 191–3.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 203 b.
It is a custom of the court of England, and one followed by other princes, when treating with sovereigns of a certain importance, to give or cause to be given to the councillors and ministers about the persons of such princes, and most in favor with them, valuable presents of money, pensions, and rich jewels, in order to keep them better disposed to the business their masters have in hand. In this manner the Imperial ambassador in England (Chapuys) writes to Us that he has heard, though he cannot vouch for the fact, that king Francis, neglecting no means whatever of getting at what he wants from the English, has secured the favor and assistance of councillor Cromwell—he who is most in favor now and has greatest influence with his master—by first bestowing on him a good sum of money and afterwards granting him a considerable annual pension. That is not all: the King of England, it is said, has granted Cromwell permission to accept both the gift and the pension; upon which that councillor, who has hitherto befriended Us, has suddenly turned round, and is working in favor of France. (fn. 6)
Our ambassador is of opinion that for the better issue of the present negociation it would be advisable to secure the goodwill and co-operation of the said Cromwell and other privy councillors most acceptable to king Henry, by also making them rich presents and so forth. Such, indeed, appears to be the opinion of the English ambassador residing at this Our court, who, the other day conversing with one of Our privy councillors, agreed that it would not be amiss to prepare some gifts for the English councillors as a token of gratitude for their good-will in the pending negociation. (fn. 7)
In view of which opinion, fully confirmed by information collected from other sources, We have given orders that you should be officially informed of the fact, and learn that all the Kind's privy councillors, and principally the aforesaid Cromwell, ought to be at once presented with some considerable gift. It is for the king of Portugal (Dom Manuel) as well as for the Infante (Dom Luyz) and other members of the Royal Family, to consider whether they themselves ought to make some demonstration in that line. You (the ambassador) should tell them of this. (fn. 8)
Spanish. Original minute. p. 1.
9 Feb.131. Instructions to Alvaro Mendez on the proposed Marriage of the Infante Dom Luiz with the Princess of England.
S. E. Portugal,
L. 371, fol. 191–3.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 193.
What you, Alvaro Mendez de Vasconcellos, councillor and ambassador of the Most Serene, Most High, and Most powerful king of Portugal (Dom Joaõ), are to do on your return to Portugal. Though We fully intended to send to Our brother, the king of Portugal (Dom Joaõ), an ambassador extraordinary, who, conjointly with Luis Sarmiento de Mendoza, who resides for Us at that court, should treat of the marriage of the Infante Dom Luiz, yet hearing that you, yourelf, are about to return to Portugal, and being aware by long experience of your devoted attachment to the King, your master, as well as of the good-will and affection you profess towards Us, We have resolved not to dispatch the said embassy, but to intrust to you, conjointly with Our resident ambassador in Portugal (Sarmiento), the task of representing Our sentiments in that matter of the marriage of the Infante Dom Luiz.
You will tell the King that as We were the first to propose the said marriage, so have We now a great interest in its being accomplished. You will exhibit to him, and, if required, give him copies of all papers, letters, and correspondence between Our ambassador at the court of England (Eustace Chapuys), the King of that country and his ministers; and you will assure the King that nothing shall be left undone on Our part to promote and accomplish the Infante's marriage with Our cousin, the princess of England (Mary).
This being done with the wisdom, tact and discretion which We know you to possess, you will represent to the King the many damages and injuries which in past years, and especially since the beginning of this last war, the French have inflicted upon Us, Our vassals and subjects in all parts of the World, as well as upon those of Our brother, the King [of the Romans]. You yourself are well informed of these things, and, therefore, We need not recapitulate them here. The principal cause of such damages and injuries at sea being that French vessels are allowed to enter and take shelter in the ports of Portugal; and as, on the excuse of merchandise, some, if not all, of those vessels are armed, they can, therefore, sail off when they like, and, pouncing upon our trading craft, capture them at sea, to the great annoyance and loss of Our subjects, who have often complained to Us of it. It strikes Us that there is no other remedy to the said evil than to forbid, as long as the present war lasts, all French vessels, of whatever description they may be, King's ships, privateers, or armed merchantmen, to enter or take shelter in Portuguese ports.
Should the King tell you that what We propose cannot be done without giving offence to king Francis, you will reply that We have no objection to the same measure being taken respecting the vessels of Our subjects. If so, king Francis cannot justly complain; besides which, should a peace be concluded with France, you may be sure that Portugal shall not be forgotten in it.
In former times French merchant vessels very rarely, if ever, went to the Azores with merchandise, whereas now-a-days they frequent those islands, with what intention We need not point out. You will pray and request the King to order that no French vessels of any description be allowed to enter the ports of those islands [the Azores] or take shelter in them. In order to insure that, it would, perhaps, be advisable that the Portuguese caravels there stationed for that purpose, as well as to guard the coast, should immediately repair to their stations in those parts (none, as We have been given to understand, having sailed for that destination last year); and that if any of Our merchant ships should require their help, they should get it on application, and be escorted out of danger on condition of paying the crews for their trouble, Our war vessels doing the same towards the Portuguese should they require it.
We also have been told that a Spanish merchantman, coming from the Hispaniola (Santo Domingo), being chased by French privateers, entered, the other day, the port of Vilanova [de Portimaõ], and that when the sailors were landing the gold she had on board, to have it carried to the Casa de Contratacion, at Seville, the King of Portugal's contractors asked the owners to pay tithe and excise duties. (fn. 9) The same amount was claimed and exacted last year from another ship that entered that port under stress of weather; and as such exactions have never been made since the discovery of the West Indies, and are an innovation upon mercantile practices, We beg of him (the King) that they may be discontinued in future, that the gold seized from the former ship on account of tithe and excise be restored to their owners, and that in future no tithe or duty of any sort be exacted from the masters of vessels coming from the Indies chased by privateers, or obliged by stress of weather to take shelter in Portuguese ports.
With regard to the Inquisition, We are sure that His Highness will give it all favor, as not only is it for God's service, but it saves his kingdom and Ours from contamination of heresy.
You are aware that very often We have had a talk together concerning a certain Frenchman named Honorato, who resides at that court as king Francis' ambassador. The said Honorato being the sort of man that We and you know, it has always occurred to Us that his dismissal from Court ought to be solicited. The reasons We then had to think so have since increased instead of diminishing, and therefore We suggest that, with all due consideration, you ask the King to dismiss him.
On all other points you will concert with Sarmiento.— Valladolid, 9 Feb. 1537.
Signed: "Yo el Rey."
Countersigned: "Covos."
Spanish. Original. pp. 9.
9 Feb.132. The Emperor to Luis Sarmiento de Mendoza.
S. E. Port.,
L. 371, f. 201.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 201.
The Infante Dom Luiz arrived three or four days before on the departure from this city of the gentleman (fn. 10) We are now sending to England. We caused the instructions, as well as all the papers and correspondence relating to the affair to be shown to the Infante. He seemed pleased with all, and had nothing to add or remark.
The gentleman We allude to, set out on his journey; he will arrive very opportunely, for since the first letters from our ambassador [in England] others have been received stating that the King thinks well of the proposed marriage, and We, on Our side, will do Our utmost to bring it about.— Valladolid, 24 March 1537.
Indorsed: "To Luis Sarmiento. Valladolid 24 March."
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.
17 Feb.133. Luis Sarmiento [de Mendoza] to the Emperor.
S. E. Port.,
L. 371, ff. 73–4.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 212.
The king and queen of Portugal received His Majesty's letter brought by Don Manrique [de Lara], and were glad of his visit.
Both were very sorry at hearing of the death of the duke of Florence (Alessandro de'Medici), retired to their own private apartments, and put on mourning, which they still wear. They wished, they said, to send forthwith a messenger to His Majesty; only as they were desirous at once to put a stop to such costly visits, they abandoned their first idea, and now propose that in future, whenever the Emperor wishes to pay them a complimentary visit of congratulation or condolence, he may do so by writing directly to them, or commissioning his ambassador to do so in his name.
The French ambassador at this court announces that the Grand Master of France (Anne de Montmorency), is coming soon to Spain for the purpose of treating of peace. The Infante [Dom Luiz] has asked him twice whether the news is true, and the ambassador's answer has been that nothing was so certain as that.
The letter by Alvaro [Mendez de Vasconcellos], as well as the copies of the instructions; papers, and correspondence relating to the marriage, came duly to hand. Both he [Sarmiento] and the Portuguese ambassador went together to the King. Alvaro spoke first, as agreed.
Saw the King next day, who told him (Sarmiento) that he was exceedingly grateful for all that had been done on behalf of his brother, the Infante, but that as to himself, he could not see how that marriage could be accomplished with any security, considering the well-known inconstancy and fickleness of king Henry. In his opinion (he said), peace might be better secured through the Infante's marriage with one of the daughters of France, giving them the estate of Milan, for in such arrangement there was some security for the future, whereas in the other there was none. His (Sarmiento's) answer was that, no doubt, the Emperor had no other desire than to do what is most likely to ensure peace.
Since then the King has sent for him again, and said that after mature consideration he had made up his mind to the English marriage, but as to the conditions to be offered and asked, he could really say nothing until he heard what the king of England himself thought of it, and how he took the thing.
Spoke to him according to instructions about the French privateers. The King said that to forbid French vessels from entering the ports of Portugal seemed to him a very hard measure, almost tantamount to stopping trade altogether. The remedy proposed respecting French vessels touching at the Azores was, in his opinion, ineffectual, considering the harm privateers generally do, and the way in which they carry on their depredations at sea. They do not go to Portugal for shelter as stated; what they do is to station themselves at certain points between the Azores and Portugal, on the line of passage of vessels coming from the Indies, and, if obliged by stress of weather to depart thence, to sail for shelter either to certain desert islands 20 leagues from Lisbon, or to the coast of France. This reasoning of the King, however, is far from satisfying him (Sarmiento).
On this occasion both the King and the Infante, who was present at the interview, said, "Why does not the Emperor order ships coming from the Indies to wait in some island or other until more have joined, and they are numerous enough to proceed on their voyage, or else for the masters of the ships to give notice that they may be escorted?" Let the Emperor (said the King) write to the Indies and to New Spain ordering all vessels coming thence to congregate at the Tercera, one of the Azores. When in sufficient number to prosecute their voyage let them go on, and if not let them signal, and they shall be escorted to a place of safety. Or else let us and the Emperor fit out a fleet well-armed and capable of obliging the French privateers to leave those waters; but for God's sake let it not be like the one of Seville, last year, for although the ports of that coast were watched and visited, no good whatever was done.
Having asked the Infante [Dom Luiz] to return a categorical answer to the proposition he (Sarmiento) made once in the Emperor's name, that is to say that he should persuade the King, his brother, to declare against the French, and at once dismiss from his court their ambassador (Honorato), he (the Infante) said that his love and gratitude for the Emperor hindered him from talking to his brother, the King, on so grave a subject; even if he (the King) were inclined to do what was asked of him, the Emperor ought not to tolerate it. The King, he said, was in want; the best part of his revenue consisting in the cargoes his ships bring from the Spice Islands, which merchandise must be sent to Flanders every year, and should king Francis capture one of those ships he (the King) would be ruined.
Both the King and the Infante told him (Sarmiento) that the Emperor was, no doubt, misinformed concerning Honorato. His stay in Portugal was by no means inconvenient or dangerous; the news he himself could send home the many French merchants residing in Lisbon could as well transmit. He (Sarmiento) made a suitable answer. Fancies that they will not dismiss the ambassador, and yet his remaining in Portugal under the circumstance is anything but beneficial to the Imperial cause. Has spoken to the Queen about it, that she may influence her husband; and his, Sarmiento's, opinion is that the Emperor ought resolutely to address the King on the subject.
In short, the King [of Portugal] has promised to reply to all demands one by one, and send his answer by express messenger. He (Sarmiento) begged him to make haste for the delay might have bad consequences. Fancies that the person to be sent this time will be Dom Pedro Mazcareñas (Mascarenhas), who will ultimately remain as ambassador; and that Alvaro Mendes, though he wishes to go back to Spain, and take his wife with him, will not be named. Indeed, he (Sarmiento) fancies that such an application on his part has been the cause of his not being so acceptable to certain people as he might otherwise have been.
The Queen gave him the enclosed letters, adding that whenever the Emperor wanted anything from the King, her husband, he had only to write to her, and he (the Emperor) would soon learn how much she desired to serve him. The Infante also writes by this post.
With regard to the French ships, he (Sarmiento) has not spoken on his own account, as he was instructed to do, for two reasons: the first, in order to wait for the answer this king is about to make by express messenger; and the second because he (Sarmiento) has repeatedly been told that orders have already been issued for all French vessels on this coast to be visited, which is exactly what the Emperor wants.
The King is expecting the arrival of a courier whom he dispatched to his ambassador in France. He (Sarmiento) fancies that the promised answer will not be sent until the courier comes back, and that before three days are over, the King purposes sending to Flanders a factor, who is shortly expected in this city [Evora] and will be accompanied by a man returning from the court of France. Suspects that, either through the Portuguese ambassador in that country, or through Honorato here, the French have become aware of the negociations for the Infante's marriage, and that to counteract this they are now trying to have him married to the daughter of king Francis, and that it is on that account that the King is delaying his answer. It would not be amiss to write in the Emperor's name to Dom Alvaro, thanking him for his services on this occasion, and let the letter be so couched that it can be shown to the King, as is the custom here.
Spoke to the King about the Inquisition, and although the answer was not so clear and resolute as could be expected, yet he declared that not one of the newly converted Moors remained in the whole of Portugal, and begged him (Sarmiento) to write home that if any of the fugitives had taken shelter in the ports of Portugal he should at once be imprisoned and punished.—Evora, 17 Feb. 1537.
Spanish. Original. pp. 6.
4 Feb.134. Count de Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E. Roma,
L.866, f. 5.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 216.
Wrote on the 3rd by a courier who came from Portugal.
His Holiness made Master Pole cardinal with the intention of sending him to England as legate, for it was understood that the rebels wished for him, and it was only just that the Pope should show them favor.
After appointing him to the said legation, His Holiness declared to him (Cifuentes) the causes of his sending him to England. His wish was that the new Cardinal's journey should be through Flanders and Germany, and therefore asked him for a safe-conduct to Trent.
He (Sylva) did not contradict him in the least or show opposition, owing to the Imperial ambassador in England (Chapuys) having often written how important it is that His Holiness should send him on with money and sufficient authority to use the weapons of the Church. But since then he (Sylva) has caused a trusty friend of his to speak to the Pope, and represent the many drawbacks of a journey through Flanders and Germany, both countries belonging to the Emperor, as well as the risk to the Princess' precious life, were the King, her father, to suspect that the Cardinal's journey has been undertaken at the Emperor's instigation.
On the other hand, the Cardinal himself is unwilling to pass through France for fear of the King of that country knowing how disagreeable his mission would be to king Henry, detaining him. At last, in consideration of the danger the Princess might run were the affair bruited about, the Pope has consented to the legate going through France.
This is, in his (Sylva's) opinion, the best course to pursue under the circumstances, because should king Francis detain the Cardinal, His Holiness will have a good ground of complaint against him; whereas if the Cardinal goes through France unmolested, the king of England will find fault with king Francis, and a quarrel may ensue, especially now that the latter is very angry on account of the Scotch marriage.
There is still another reason, which is that as the Cardinal is to be the bearer of bills of exchange for 10,000 ducats to be spent in the raising of hackbutiers for the assistance of the rebels—which bills are payable in Flanders—it would not do for him to go to the latter country, for were that to be known the king of England might suspect something, and at once declare in favor of France, to the Princess' great risk and danger.
The bishop of Verona (fn. 11) is to accompany the legate to England. He (Cifuentes) would have wished to prevent this, but could not even make the attempt, for after all it was he [the Bishop] who prevented his going to France when the bishop Bernardo Aviete came here, and also because he hears that cardinal Pole will not start on his mission unless the Veronese goes with him.
Great trust may be placed in this legate if what people say of him be true, for all agree that he is much attached to the Emperor, and that, unless the Veronese bishop deceive him, nothing will be done there, in England, to the detriment of the Emperor or of the Princess, especially since he [the Cardinal] knows from a very good quarter that it might come to pass in England that he himself married the Princess, in view of which contingency His Holiness is unwilling to let him take at present any ecclesiastical degree.
His mission, as His Holiness has declared, is to admonish the King in public to return to the obedience of the Church, and secretly to favor as much as he can the cause of the rebels.
There are not wanting people who, by mere conjecture, imagine that there is in all this some double play on the part of His Holiness. However, he (Sylva) does not believe that, nor can he guess on what ground people do entertain such a suspicion.
Has advised the Cardinal's departure both to queen Mary [of Hungary] and to the Imperial ambassador in England (Eustace Chapuys).
Those here received are still of a later date, giving a full account of events in England, therefore there is no necessity for looking at them.As, perhaps, no letters of a later date have been received there, he (Sylva) begs leave to enclose the copy of one he got the day before from that ambassador.
The Pope's zeal to be commended in this particular.In consequence of a message received from His Holiness to the effect that he would be glad that the ambassador of France and himself (Sylva) and other persons should be present at a meeting with the nuncios now going to the Emperor and king of France for the purpose of the peace, and look out conjointly for the best means of bringing about that peace, he (Sylva) excused his attendance on the plea that he thought an assembly of that sort could hardly cause a good effect, and besides that he himself had no powers nor mandate to treat of such things.
Some days after His Holiness insisted so much on his attending that, for fear it should be thought that he (Sylva) was a stumbling-block in the way of peace, he went and attended the meeting, though under the aforesaid declaration and protest, and the understanding that he himself would not state his own particular opinion on the whole.
At the meeting Miçer Ambrogio, the Pope's secretary, explained how His Holiness was about to send this nuncios to the Emperor and to the king of France, and the mandate each of them had received to promote the peace. Then cardinal Cesarino spoke and explained his commission to Naples and the answer he himself had got from the Emperor. Trivulcio did the same in modest terms, and gave an account of his legation. The only two points in Trivulzio's address which, in his (Sylva) opinion required contradiction, were, 1st, that His Majesty had not remained long enough in Azaes (Aix) to allow the persons appointed by the king of France to go thither. The answer was that His Majesty had waited there so long that every one said and owned that he had been too condescending.
The other was that the King of France having sent his safe-conduct for Mr. de Grandvelle to go to France, that minister had not chosen to go. The answer to this was that in truth a safe-conduct for Mr. de Grandvelle had come inclosed in a letter to His Holiness, but that it arrived too late, when that minister was already on board and had sailed for Spain; besides which it was very doubtful whether Mr. de Grandvelle would have accepted the safe-conduct and gone to France, owing to the report generally current there that the Dauphin had been poisoned.
Then followed cardinal Macon, (fn. 12) who said that he could say nothing about the peace, because ever since he had been promoted to the cardinalate he had received no letters from the King, his master. That some time before the Emperor's arrival here (at Rome), the French resident ambassador at the time wrote to him to say that the Emperor would not give the duchy of Milan to anyone but to the duke of Angoulême. Then he told him that Your Majesty had once said to the Pope that you were ready to give it to the Duke, but that he was not to mention this to a living person. (fn. 13) He (the Cardinal) was wrong in revealing another man's secret and writing to the King his master about it; but perhaps the Emperor only said that to the Pope in order to ascertain what his ideas were on the subject.
His (Sylva's) answer was, that as regarded the peace itself he had no commission or mandate; he had come to the meeting because he was willing to please the Pope in that respect, though he was pretty sure that the meeting would come to nothing. As to the Emperor wishing to give the duchy to the duke of Orleans, the contrary appeared from his own declarations at Rome. (fn. 14)
As a further proof that cardinal Macon was mistaken when he asserted that the Emperor had been delaying until he knew His Holiness' opinion on the matter, he (Sylva) said that when the duke of Milan died the Pope told him that he might write to His Imperial Majesty, that the best means to secure peace was to give that duchy to the duke of Angoulême, and that he (Sylva) then and there wrote accordingly.
The meeting ended by everyone of those present owning that what Macon had said was not to the purpose, and therefore not one step was advanced towards the peace. Cannot help suspecting that all this show and parade is intended by the Pope to let people know that he is perfectly neutral and sincerely working for peace, or else to make the Venetians jealous. This is the reason why he (Sylva), before going to the meeting, repeated to the Venetian ambassador His Holiness' words on the subject, and what has happened since. Gave him also a copy of what he had written to Don Lope [de Soria], after the perusal of which the ambassador seemed satisfied.
Very well done; let the ambassador devise means to prevent the meeting of those cardinals.Has received letters from Cosmo de' Medici and cardinal Cibo relating what passed between the cardinals who went to Bologna and the "fuorusciti." Went to the Pope, and asked him not to allow levies to be made in the lands of the Church. His Holiness promised not to sanction such levies of men; he said more, he believed that after what Mr. de Selve and Macon had said to him it was not probable that an attempt on Florence or Milan would be made, respecting which cities the Pope spoke in terms highly favorable to the Emperor.
The ambassador was right; let him continue to act in this matter as he has done.Said to His Holiness that letters from Florence had come, stating that Cosmo de' Medici was at Bologna, and, if so, begged for his extradition. The Pope's answer was that he was certain Cosmo was not in that city, for his ministers there had not written anything about him. He would inquire again into the matter, and if Cosmo was really there, the Emperor's pleasure should be done.
Very well, but matters being in the state they are now, it is prudent to dissemble, for fear of their becoming worse.Meanwhile he would give orders that no meeting of cardinals and other people should take place in his dominions. After hearing of the arrest of Pier Luigi's men at Pisa on the charge of their being in treaty with the castellan for the delivery of the castle, His Holiness gave him (Sylva) to understand in general words how grieved he was that such an imputation should fall on a member of his family. He blames principally cardinal Cibo and Alessandro Vitello, who, he says, expecting rewards from the Emperor, and out of personal hatred, are inventing all manner of falsehoods against him; "but the Emperor (added the Pope) will soon know by my deeds that I am really attached to his service, and that the above mentioned individuals are only telling lies." This His Holiness said with such passion and emphasis that whoever heard him might think that he was perfectly neutral. (fn. 15)
So does the Emperor trust. Let Pier Luigi be thanked for his offer, the ambassador doing all he can to maintain him in his good purposes.Pier Luigi himself has spoken twice of the Florentine affair, also accusing the cardinal (Cibo) and Alessandro Vitello of being over passionate and envious. He trusted the Emperor would attach no credit to their slanderous words, and was sorry to hear that the thing had been made public for the purpose of hurting his own reputation. Begs that the reporter be closely examined in order that his own fidelity and attachment to the Imperial service may be proved. Ever since His Holiness made him captain general and gonfaloniere of the Church, he (Pier Luigi) has exclusively worked for the Emperor's service; he can now promise that he and his men shall always be at his (the Emperor's) command. Let His Imperial Majesty give him particular orders, and it will be seen then how he fulfils his promise now that he has both power and arms at his disposal.
Of what king Francis is now doing in Flanders sufficient information has been forwarded to the ambassador. Nothing more is needed than to refer him to the letters.Letters from France state that king Francis has lately changed his mind. Instead of directing his forces on Picardy so as to make an attack upon Flanders, he is now making all efforts towards Italy, and has actually purchased, or was about to purchase, La Mirandola.
We hear, however, that the Count is gone to France. Let him be watched, and if anything is known about his doings, let the ambassador communicate with the marquis del Gasto and other Imperial ministers in Italy.Has, however, heard since from an authentic quarter that the Count refuses to part with it, and that he who treated with king Francis negociated without his permission, for that count would much prefer the Emperor's pardon and to keep his castle. He has, moreover, offered to deliver up the assassin of duke Alessandro.
The ambassador is right. What His Holiness proposed here [at Naples?] through his nuncio was three, not all the fortresses in the state of Milan.Was told by one of those who intervened in the drawing out of the instructions to the Papal nuncios who came here about the peace, that one of the conditions proposed was that the Emperor should agree to give up to Francis the duchy of Milan, and hold all the fortified places in it until that King should fulfil all and every one of his engagements. What credit is to be attached to this report he (Sylva) cannot say; it must be very slight, for never did His Holiness say to him all the fortresses in the duchy, but only Milan, Pavia and Cremona.
Our advices say the contrary of that. We are expecting more authentic news. Let the ambassador be careful, and report what he may hear.His Holiness has news from his nuncio in France that the three years truce with the Grand Turk having expired, a fresh one of the same duration has been made. His information, however, respecting that Infidel is that if he comes down this year he will not appear in great force, but will only invade Germany by way of Hungary. This, after all, might well be an intrigue of the French to persuade His Holiness that there is no need to help the Emperor.
Since the Pope is already aware of the truce between Francis and the Grand Turk, the first time he (Sylva) goes to him he will call his attention thereto, and make him feel the necessity of being on his guard and opposing him.
Papal brief addressed to the Duque of Mantua and to the cardinals who may attend the General Council, designating their quarters, &c. in the town. The Duke has not yet answered, but he (Sylva) thinks that it will come to this: "Since bishops of so many nations are to attend the General Council, a considerable guard and garrison will be needed, and as he cannot keep it at his own cost, it is for the Pope to supply the funds." The Duke might answer in still harsher terms, for he happens just now to be very much offended on account of the suit at law of the abbey of Luzzedro, which these people are bringing against him.
Begs favor and ecclesiastical promotion for Miçer Arcangel.— Rome, 22 Feb. 1537.
Signed: "Conde de Cifuentes—Marquis d'Aguilar."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: Abstract of letters from count Cifuentes and Marquis d'Aguilar of the 22nd of February, 19th and 23rd of March, 3rd, 4th, and 5th of May, 1537. Answered from Valladolid on the 2nd of June by Don Antonio Dixar.
Spanish. Original. pp. 12.

Footnotes

1 "Como quicra que sea de las injurias hechas á su madre, en la vengança de las quales ella no puede persistir con buena conscientia contra el rey su padre, ny aun consentir que [asi] se haga, aunque la dicha su madre, huviesse sido ayudada á morir sinistramentc como se teme."
2 "Y por esto aunque la dicha manceba no se quisiera contentar de ninguno de los medios autedichos de la declaracion ó suspension, lo qual todavia ella y sus adherentes devrian tener por muy grand bien para quitarse del temor y peligro en que continuamente estan, y aunque quisiesse, pretendicsse y pidiesse mas para su hija y otias hijos que podria haver, no por esso conviene romper la pratica, mas antes sentir de todo en todo lo que en ella se parara."
3 "Y si por aventura el dicho Rey de Yngalaterra se quisiesse casar de nuevo no lo rechaçareis con tanto que veais que sea de veras y haga al proposito para tractar, pues tampoco la dicha nuestra prima ni Nos se lo podemos estorbar."
4 "Y con tanto que esto fuesse partido conveniente no querriamos dexar de ayudarle mediante el dicho tractado."
5 From the 25th of November 1535 to the 22nd of March 1536 the Emperor stayed at Naples, where many tournaments and other festivities took place. It was at Naples that he received intelligence of the deaths both of the duke of Milan, Francesco Sforza, and of his own aunt Katharine, the queen of England. At Naples also was the marriage of Alessandro de' Medici with his natural daughter Margaret, duchess of Florence, celebrated, as well as that of Philip de Lannoy, prince of Sulmona and son of the gallant Charles de Mingoval, seigneur de Lannoy, viceroy of Naples, with Isabella Colonna, duchess of Traietto, the widow of Luigi Gonzaga.
On the last day of March the Emperor entered the States of the Church at Terracina, but where he was the week before Vandenesse does not inform us. See Itinerary of Charles the Fifth, published by Bradford,. p. 501. Most likely he was still in Naples, and went thence to Gaeta, whence this present letter is dated, although it must be said that it is not to be found in the Imperial Archives at Vienna.
6 "Y assi agora el embaxador escrive a S. Md que entendia, aunque no estava certificado de ello, que el Rey de Francia, no dexando de ayudarse de todos los medios que puede para parvenir a lo que dessea, dava á Cremuel del Consejo de dicho Rey, y la persona mas acepta, y que mas puede con el—el qual hasta aqui ha tenido la parte de S. Md contra los franceses—una buena suma de dineros luego, y una buena pension anual para cada año, y quo el Rey le avia dado licencia para recibirlo."
7 "Y tambien el embaxador del dicho Rey de Ynglaterra, que aqui reside, platicando con alguno de nuestro Consejo ha dicho que seria bien hacerles algund reconoscimiento para tenerlos mas propicios."
8 The whole of this paragraph seems to have once formed part of the instructions to Alvaro Mendez de Vasconcellos, the Portuguese ambassador, returning home on leave (Feb. 1537). It was crossed over entirely by Cobos or Idiaquez with the following marginal note: "This paragraph to be suppressed entirely, since it has been considered opportune not to mentiou such things in writing but only verbally to the ambassador, as has since been done."
9 "Y queriendo descargar el oro para traerlo por tierra a la casa de la contratacion [de Sevilla], los arrendadores del Sermo Rey les piden diezmo y sisa."
10 Most likely Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, about whom see p. 164.
11 Gian Matheo Giberti from 1524 to 1543.
12 Charles Hèmard Denonville.
13 Y antes que V. Md fuese a Roma le scrivio el embaxador de francia que en esta corte residia, que V. Md no queria dar el estado de Milan sino a Museur de Angulema, y que despues le dixo [al Papa] que V. Md le havia dicho que lo daria al de Angulema, pero que guardasse el secreto.
14 "y le dixo muchas vezes los inconvenientes que havia para no se effectuar dandose al de Orliens.
15 "Que su Sd dixo esto con tanto calor y buenas palabras que a quien quiera harian pensar que estava de presente en su neutralidad."


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