Spain
September 1540

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

Year published

1890

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259-272

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'Spain: September 1540', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 1: 1538-1542 (1890), pp. 259-272. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88043 Date accessed: 23 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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September 1540, 1-30

3 Sept.121. Eustace Chapuys to Mr. de Granvelle.
Wien,
Imp. Arch.
Rep. P. Fasc. C. 232,
ff. 1–2.
Your Signory must already have heard how some time ago this King, fearing lest war should break out, and his subjects being schismatics, be hindered and prevented from trading out of the kingdom, had thought of an expedient likely to open the gate to the intercourse of trade, the importation and exportation of merchandize and so forth, without danger of injury to his subjects. To this end, about two years ago, he granted privileges to all foreign merchants residing in this country, to export from this kingdom or import into it all manner of merchandize without paying more custom or Royal dues than those paid by his own subjects, which measure proved highly beneficial at the time and most profitable to foreign merchants. Now-a-days, the King, perceiving that there is no longer danger of war, and wishing naturally to increase the number of his ships and seamen, and likewise to enrich shipowners and skippers, has issued an ordinance for all foreign merchants no longer to avail themselves of the said privilege, forbidding them to ship their merchandise otherwise than in English bottoms, which measure, whatever may be said to the contrary, will be highly detrimental to His Imperial Majesty's subjects, and principally to those residing in this country as merchants, who will thereby be obliged to pay a high rate of freight for the goods they may have to export or import in English vessels. True is it that the King, considering the immense loss which his subjects would have to sustain through that measure, were His Imperial Majesty in the Low Countries and in Spain and his other neighbours to retaliate in like manner, sent word to the foreign merchants residing in this country not to take the measure in bad part, and that Cromwell, himself, some time before he was imprisoned and beheaded, prayed them in the King's name not to make a fuss about it. (fn. 1) There was, however, no further mention made of the ordinance until yesterday, when it began to be enforced. But as the people of Antwerp, whom the measure concerns most, will no doubt by this time have informed your Signory of the mischief likely to be caused to their shipping interest by the said ordinance, I will forbear troubling you any longer with so disagreeable a subject, begging you only to let me know as soon as possible how I am to act should the merchants and shipowners of those Low Countries, as well as those of Spain and other Imperial dominions, come to me for the redress of what they consider a wrong done to them.—London, 3 Sept. 1540.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To Monseigneur, Monsieur de Grandvelle, &c., knight, first councillor of State, and Lord Privy Seal to the Emperor."
Indorsed: Engleterre. (sic) Reçeu a Cambray le iiie. de novembre XVC,XL (1540).
French. Original. pp. 1½.
4 Sept.122. Monsr. de St. Vincent to the Emperor.
P. Arch. Nat.
Neg. & Pap. de
Simancas,
K. 1,485, 19.
B. M. Add. 28,592,
f. 173.
Has in a former despatch informed His Imperial Majesty of the arrival here of the ambassadors of Saxony. Has since heard from Mr. de Labret that king Francis has actually consented to join the league and confederacy proposed by the duke [of Clèves] and others. Labret himself again presses for an answer from His Imperial Majesty, alleging the very same reasons and arguments used on former occasions, and adding that should the present opportunity be allowed to pass, it will be extremely difficult for him in future to take the Princess, his daughter, out of France. This much has Monsr. de Labret said to him, at the same time recounting the means and ways that seem to favor his plans now-a-days, as well as the many causes the king of France has given, and is still giving, for the Emperor to break off with him. In proof whereof he (Labret) says that the gentleman who went some time ago [to Constantinople] has returned therefrom, bringing letters from the Grand Turk, as sweet and amiable (dulces y amigables) as possible, offering his friendship, and promising to do the worst he can against Your Imperial Majesty, provided he be told and advised where he can do the Emperor most harm.
He (the Imperial ambassador) has not failed to look out for the confirmation of this news in other quarters. He has found that the gentleman above alluded to has really come back from Constantinople, whither he was sent by king Francis, and that the answer he has brought therefrom, as well as the Turk's offers, are substantially true. Indeed, Mons. d'Ezcurra has again given him all manner of securities as to the upright and sincere sentiments of Mons. de Labret, who, he says, is as much in earnest as he can be in the affair. Not only does he confirm the above statement, but maintains that the emissary was sent to Constantinople for no other purpose than to incite and stimulate the Grand Turk to make war on Your Majesty and on the king of the Romans, your brother. That the Grand Turk's answer has been that he is quite ready to do so, this being the reason why he has lately rejected all propositions of truce. That the duke of Clèves' ambassador has received particular orders from the king of France to enlist on his account as many lanskenets (lansquineques) as he possibly can, all with a view to mar His Imperial Majesty's designs in Germany, and that, although the High Constable (Montmorency) wishes to send a French gentleman on such a mission, king Francis insists upon the ambassador from Clèves being intrusted with it.
Spanish. Original draft, pp. 1½.
7 Sept.123. Lope Hurtado to the High Commander of Leon.
S. E., L. 1460,
f. 17.
B. M. Add. 28,592,
f. 1,173.
Monsr. de Andalo arrived yesterday and brought me leave to quit. He shewed me His Holiness' proposition, and the Emperor's answer to it, as detailed in the instructions, of which he himself is the bearer. Her Excellency, the Duchess, was particularly pleased, and I myself very glad and grateful to hear that the friar's malice and my own innocence are at last to be made patent, since the Emperor insists upon his being brought before a court of justice.
According to Andalo's statement the Emperor has not yet fixed upon the person who is to replace me. In the meantime, should I leave Rome, he is to fill my place until a new " mayor-dome " for the Duchess arrives. Where I am to go, and by what route, the Emperor does not say. Secretary Juan Vazquez writes that I ought to go to Spain; the Duchess would wish me to repair to Flanders, where the Emperor is still, that I may inform him verbally of many particulars concerning her case, and this I would do with great pleasure, were it for no other thing than to do service to the Duchess, to whom I am sincerely attached; but, on the other hand, I dare not disobey the orders received. I most humbly request your advice in the matter. A letter under cover to the Imperial ambassador at Genoa will safely reach me,—Tiboli, 7 Sept. 1540.
P.S.—Besides the bills on Alonso de Baeca for 2,000 ducats, my wife, Doña Margarita, is to receive 3,000 more from the hands of the Duchess. I thank you for all; I know very well that you have done for my sake more than I could reasonably expect.
On the 15th I wrote asking for the "corregimiento" of Burgos, now vacant by the death of Garcia Torquemada. Please bear my request in mind.
Signed: "Lope Hurtado."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
9 Sept.124. The Marquis de Aguilar to the High Commander.
S. E., L. 869,
f. 91.
B. M. Add. 28,592,
f. 176.
Did not answer immediately your Signory's last letter owing to my having remained at Rome with a fit of the gout, whilst His Holiness was at Viterbo. Now that I have joined him, and transacted business as usual, I will answer both letters—that received at Rome, and that which came two days ago. I shall begin by Lope Hurtado's affair, which is the principal point in both your Signory's letters; your wishes respecting him will be so many imperative orders for me. They will be faithfully executed, and I will do my best on his behalf, as if he (Hurtado) had written about me in a different manner from what he has done. Neither he, nor any one else in the world, can say that I have in the least thwarted or opposed that official, though there may have been plenty of reasons and occasions for doing so.
About six days ago, Andalo (D'Andalot) arrived with the Emperor's final resolution. The Pope seems glad that Hurtado's recall has been decided upon, as well as that of his wife's, Doña Margarita, and that the settlement of the Duchess' household is left entirely to him. He does not seem so pleased at His Majesty insisting upon a, judicial inquiry into Lope Hurtado's conduct, as well as into the friar's accusations, because this would seem as if no credit was attached to his own words. Yet he has condescended to put aside the governor [of Rome], and to have him replaced by the Auditor of the Apostolic. Chamber, and by another man to be appointed by him. As the Emperor wishes me to appoint two more, I have named four, for Lope Hurtado to choose among them the two he likes best, namely, Juan Luis Aragonia, His Majesty's advocate, and Anguiano, the proctor; the other two are auditor Mohedano, and bishop Pietro Bossio, both auditors of La Rota, and the Emperor's vassals. The latter is a Fleming, and Madame, the Duchess, is fond of him. I believe that Bossio will be one of the two selected, provided Lope Hurtado considers it necessary for the trial of his case; though I must say that were Lope to go away, and leave matters as they are, without insisting upon a judicial inquiry, both Bossio and the others would be glad of it, for they wish for nothing so much as for Hurtado's departure from Rome.
Andalot left five days ago for Tibuli, where Madame now is. I cannot say how His Majesty's determination of the affair will be taken, nor what the parties concerned intend doing in future. Perhaps the bearer of this letter, a servant of the archbishop of Santiago (Sarmiento), will take also Hurtado's, for the archbishop is his intimate friend.
Johan de Montepulchano arrived here six days before Andalot. I know for a fact that he said, among other things, that Hurtado's case had not been settled entirely to the Pope's satisfaction, owing to his (Hurtado) being in great favor with your Signory, and your having written to the Emperor in his commendation, saying that all charges brought against him were utterly false. This much did Montepulchano say to His Holiness, who wondered much at it, and, as I am informed, exclaimed: "Is it possible?" after which he frowned and beat his forehead, and remaining a few minutes silent and pensive, he added: "I daresay it is. I have no doubt that the person who is making war upon me is no other than the High Commander of Leon (Cobos)." Montepulchano's reply was that really and truly at the Imperial Court nothing was actually done without your Signory's advice, and that all Roman affairs, of whatever class or description, were generally remitted to your Signory to report upon. He (Montepulchano) further said, that owing to Don Luis de Avila [y Zuñiga] having, on his return, reported rather unfavorably on Hurtado's affairs in this capital, he had actually fallen into disgrace with your Signory on that account.
In addition to the above statements, I must frankly tell your Signory that until Andalot's arrival the Pope was anything but pleased with the turn the affair was taking; he is now more quiet; but when he comes to hear of the Emperor's orders that a sum of 2,000 ducats be paid to him (Hurtado), there is no knowing what mischief may result therefrom, as these people will be confirmed in their idea that every thing that has happened has been done with Hurtado's knowledge.
The Emperor commands me to tell His Holiness that since, previously to his going to the Diet at Worms, certain ministers must necessarily meet together as agreed, both on the part of the Catholics and of the Separatists, it would be advisable for him to send thither some person of authority, accompanied by five or six lawyers, especially as he (the Emperor) intends doing the same. According as His Holiness' selection might be, so would he (the Emperor) choose proper persons to represent him at the Diet, and that he was thinking of sending thither Mr. de Granvelle. In obedience to His Imperial Majesty's commands, I spoke to His Holiness on the subject, and Andalot did also. The Pope accepted the suggestion, saying, that he would choose at once one of his cardinals there present to represent him; but on that official replying that the Separatists objected to a cardinal being sent, nothing more was said in the matter, nor do I know how the Pope can get out of the difficulty, for there are few cardinals at Rome just now, and none so qualified for such a mission as it is desirable that he should be. Indeed, the Pope informs me that having consulted the Cardinals' College as to the fittest person to be sent to the Diet of Worms, they have pointed out to him the bishop of Feltro (Feltre), (fn. 2) brother of cardinal Campeggio. Cardinal Farnese, however, said this morning to the Pope in my very presence that the Emperor had so complained to him of that bishop's behaviour whilst at the Imperial Court, that he doubted whether he would be at all an acceptable person for the task.
Your Signory must be aware by my last despatches that negociations for a marriage of Victoria Farnese, the Pope's grand-daughter, with a son of Mr. de Guis[e] are going on at the present moment, and that several persons have come to me begging I would interfere and prevent it, if possible. I have no doubt that these repeated messages come from Pier Luigi himself; but as I had no instructions from the Emperor, I did not act in the matter. Montepulchano, however, having told the Pope that on mentioning this thing at the Imperial court, His Majesty, the Emperor, answered without hesitation that such a marriage would never take place, it appears that there is no longer any great anxiety for it. The general rumour here is that king Francis promised at first plenty of lands and estates for a dower, but that now he backs out of it. And it is further said, as cardinal Farnese assures me, that the Emperor has within his Royal Chamber a person, who secretly informs him of whatever takes place at the French court, that being the reason why he (the Emperor) told Montepulchano so positively that the marriage talked of would never take place.
Previously to Andalot speaking to the Pope on the subject, he asked me if I considered the marriage as contracted between the parties. My answer was that so the people of Rome and the Pope's own confidential servants said, adding that Latino Juvenal with Morlu (?) had already started on a mission to that effect. Andalot then said to me that during the journey he had imagined that the son of the duke of Bavaria would be glad to marry Victoria Farnese, and that he and I might propose it to the Duke, her father. My answer was that I had no instructions whatever on that point; on the contrary, the Emperor's orders to me were to say that he would be glad of any marriage the Pope proposed for his grand-daughter, at the same time cautioning him against French stratagems. After this Andalot called on cardinal Farnese, and after delivering the Emperor's letter, and referring to the Imperial decision in Madame's affairs, asked him point blank whether his sister's marriage was a settled thing or not. The Cardinal's answer was, that he considered the marriage as accomplished, inasmuch as the Pope was intent upon it. Andalot then replied that on his journey hither he had been thinking that the duke Philip of Bavaria might prove a, very good match for Victoria Farnese, since that prince was closely related to His Imperial Majesty, and that in his opinion, the Pope ought to procure it, provided the negociations for the French marriage were not too far advanced. The Cardinal retorted: "All I know about the matter is that having, whilst at Toledo, told the Emperor that a marriage was in contemplation, he answered me that I could dispose of my sister's hand, and marry her to whomsoever I pleased, and yet I took no notice whatever of the offer at the time. When the duke of Savoy (Carlo III.) asked her for his son, the Prince of Piedmont, the Emperor objected that the Duke could not be trusted upon, for he was of a very fickle nature and versatile humour. As the Duke has not renewed his application since, there is every reason to believe that it was the Emperor who prevented the marriage."
Such language did the Cardinal hold to Andalot, and I must add that the very same arguments have since been reproduced to me, whenever I have had occasion to speak on the subject of the French marriage. Nothing, therefore, will persuade the Pope's family that the Emperor is not opposed to it.
To the Pope himself I have said that he and his family ought on the contrary to be grateful for what His Imperial Majesty had done in this matter. At the time when the marriage was proposed, the Prince of Piedmont was only eleven years old; three more were wanting to have the marriage consummated, and in my opinion, and under the circumstances, this was a kind act on the Emperor's part rather than otherwise. At any rate, there can be no doubt that these people are much touched at the Duke's not having renewed his offer.
However, it would appear that Andalot's conversation with the Cardinal has produced some effect, for after hearing of it, the Pope stated in public that the French marriage will not take effect. This was on Saturday last. On the following Sunday the Pope went out in very good spirits, and said to the General of the Franciscans: (fn. 3) "Believe me, my die is cast. I will follow the Emperor's fortunes to the last. I am determined to act so because I know there is truth in him."
9 Sept.125. The Marquis de Aguilar to the High Commander.
L. 869, L. 91,
f. 176.
The Pope cannot be much pleased with me just now, for although the other day I passed two hours with him, he never alluded to, nor have I said a word to him concerning, his own family affairs, or the message brought by Andalot. All I did was to bring forward Don Johan de la Cerda's suit against Don Gaston. (fn. 4) I wonder whether count Cifuentes (fn. 5) will ever credit me for what I have done in favour of the former!
But I cannot bring this letter to an end without reporting at full on the various constructions of this French marriage and its probable results. Some say that as the duke of Lorraine belongs to the house of Anjou, he is willing enough to renounce his right to Naples in favour of his own nephew, Mons. de Guise; that in the event of Madame's marriage not being consummated, (fn. 6) the Pope will give the investiture of Naples to his future son-in-law, who, with the latter's favor and the assistance of France, will then conquer the kingdom of Naples. It is also rumoured that in the event of this Pope dying—and he is now upwards of eighty years old—cardinal de Lorraine is sure to succeed him, for having, as he has, 12 or 13 cardinals at his disposal, their votes, joined to those of the Farnese and Santa Fiore families, are sure to give him a majority, &c. These, of course, are vague rumours of idle politicians, without any solid foundation, and yet I have thought it worth while to report them, that you may judge what these people's aspirations and the daily conversations in Campo di Fiore are.
We have been 15 days out of Rome, and another fortnight will certaiuly pass before we return home.
Viceroy of Naples—Roca Guillerma.—Viterbo, 9 Sept. 1540.
Signed: "El Marques de Aguilar."
Addressed.: "To the High Commander of Leon."
Spanish. Original. pp. 10.
22 Sept.126. The High Commander of Leon to Secretary Idiaquez.
S. E., L. 49,
ff. 126–7.
B. M. Add. 28,592,
f. 181.
I am in receipt of two of your letters, dated the 4th and 19th of August, and glad to hear the news of that country, and that His Majesty, as well as you and the rest of my friends, are in good health. Gonzalo Perez hears frequently from Doña Gracia, and he tells me that both she and her child are doing well. Here [at Madrid] we all are getting on, though at times I myself am troubled with sciatica. Glad also to hear of the recovery of the High Commander of Alcantara, as well as of Mons. de Granvelle's good health, whom I beg you to compliment in my name, showing him my letters, &c.
At the reports which you say have reached the Emperor's Court respecting the affairs of Naples and the doings of the Viceroy I am very much concerned. I trust that you will do all you can in favor of that Viceroy, who is a friend of mine. I also beg to commend to you the affairs of the treasurer at Naples, Alonso Sanchez.
Sorry to hear what you tell me about the marquis del Gasto. I failed not at the time to represent to him that his mode of living and his immoderate expenditure had caused much dissatisfaction. Since then Lope de Soria wrote that he was certainly amending, had considerably curtailed his expanses, and that altogether His Imperial Majesty's revenue in the duchy of Milan was improving; but since you tell me that there are fresh complaints against him, I have no more to say. I will, however, write to him and remonstrate, &c.
The treasurer of Aragon, Antonio Gabriel Sanchez, died the other day, leaving one maiden daughter, in whom the dukes of Alba (Don Fernando) and Alburquerque (Don Beltran de la Cueva), Don Enrique de Aragon, (fn. 7) and many other gentlemen, take much interest. I beg you to ask His Imperial Majesty to give the vacant office to whomsoever should marry her. In the meantime, and pending the Emperor's resolution, the office has been intrusted to one Celdran, who used to fill that post whilst the deceased was ill or absent.
Cardinal Cornaro—Bishopric of Ampurias. The letters were given to Dr. Scoriazo—The abbacy of Aries for Gonçalo Perez, who really wants it. Mons. de Granvelle is in his favor.
The two offices which Olasso held—one at Naples, the other in the Provenzia (Provence)—are vacated through his death.
Gonçalo Perez will write about this and other matters.
The prince of Salerno's servant has not yet arrived. The countess of Ribagorza is here on the same business. At one time she seemed inclined to come to terms with the Prince, but now she insists upon having justice done to her claims. We shall see when the Prince's servant arrives what can be done for the best.
Juan de Enciso and the Encomienda—My barber's brother and his petition—Marquis del Gasto and Thomasso de Forne. The former writes from Milan that he is glad that Thomasso is going back. I beg particularly to recommend him to you and to Granvelle.
The answer made to the gentleman who came here on behalf of the queen of Poland seemed to me very à propos. The Queen wrote to me on the subject, and I answered her through secretary Vazquez de Molina, who sent me her letter.
I am glad to hear that Lope Hurtado's case has come to a good end, and that Madame's affairs have also improved. I was sure, as I wrote to you, that the accusations brought against him and his wife would end in smoke—a mountain made out of a mole's hill, a tissue of wickedness and boy's tricks, which might have been washed away with a drop of holy water. (fn. 8) I approve of his quitting Rome and the Duchess' service also; he could not remain there longer, except with great danger to his life. I beg to recommend him to you. As to the commission given to Andalot to try and make the Marquis and Lope friends, nothing could be better.
Your Worship's answer respecting the proposed marriage seems to me excellent, as well as the determination of making Ottavio Farnese attend the Imperial court. I may add that I should advise that the person who is henceforwards to take charge of the Duchess be a person of rank; even then God knows whether His Holiness will be satisfied.
Spanish. Original minute. pp. 9.
22 Sept.127. The Same to Mr. de Granvelle.
S. E., Cor. de Cast.
L. 49, f. 137.
B. M. Add. 28,593,
f. 187.
Has seen what His Imp. Majesty has resolved in the case of Lope Hurtado, and thinks that his removal from Rome is a very wise measure under present circumstances. Ever since His Holiness took a dislike to Hurtado, he (Cobos) was of opinion that he ought to be recalled. Even now he fears, in view of the many calumnious charges brought against him, that he will not be allowed to leave Rome. He (Cobos) does not hesitate to say and affirm that not only has Hurtado not done the things imputed to him. but that they never even crossed his mind, and that the reason why the Marquis and Valençuela have not been on good terms with him from the beginning is Madame, the Duchess', refusal to sign the deed which the Marquis sent in to her. Hurtado was very right in consulting His Imperial Majesty in the matter without letting the Marquis know of it.
Nothing could be better than Andalot's provisional appointment to fill Hurtado's place, for he is both honest and faithful, but in future, he (Cobos) does not hesitate to say that another person of greater weight and value will be required; because the lady is young, she is alone, and in daily communication with a devilish set of people (gente del Infierno). Indeed, to judge from what has already taken place there can be no doubt that greater scandals still are in store, likely to cause her much annoyance and trouble. (fn. 9)
What is being done with Hurtado at present is, in his (Cobos') opinion, excellent; yet he would beg from His Majesty to think of him when some vacancy occurs, for he has served well and is still in condition and health to serve efficiently. As to the judicial inquiry into the misdeeds of which he is accused, His Majesty should order the trial to take place, if possible, out of Rome. If the Pope thought that it was inconvenient to take the case to Naples, it might be referred to D. Juan de Luna at Florence, because at Rome, to judge from the state in which the affair is, it will be impossible to get at the truth.—Madrid, 22 September 1540.
Signed: "Cobos."
Spanish. Holograph. p. 1.
23 Sept.128. The Privy Council to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 47, f. 227.
B. M. Add. 28,591,
f. 274.
In consequence of differences between the inhabitants of the town of Aroche and Encinasola, in the province of Seville, and those of Mora in Portugal, as to the ownership of certain territories and pasture lands, licdo Otalora, judge of Grados at Seville, was despatched conjointly with another lawyer of His most Serene Highness, the king of Portugal, for the purpose of investigating the matter and settling the existing differences to the satisfaction of the parties. Each of the judges, after inquiry and information, proposed his award, but there was no agreement. Then licdo Otalora came and laid before the Council the plan of the disputed pasture lands, which enabled us to write to Seville and enjoin that the authorities of that city should procure that the pasture and lands on that part of the Portuguese frontier should remain in possession, as hitherto, of each party until Your Majesty and the king of Portugal should decide.
The city of Malaga complains that the bishop (fn. 10) has not resided there for many years, nor has he visited his diocese for twenty.
Certain inhabitants of Seville have presented a petition in Council stating that close to the Cape of Alguer a caravel carrying a sum of gold, a quantity of amber, and other merchandize to the value of upwards of 5,000 ducats, was captured by a large ship and a sloop manned by Englishmen. (fn. 11) The petitioners have asked for letters of reprisal (cartas de represalias) against all English vessels in general; and accordingly orders have been forwarded to England for the Imperial ambassador in that country to demand the restitution of the captured vessel and cargo, together with a sum of money for the damage and losses sustained by the parties.
A similar application has been made by and received from certain inhabitants of the country of Biscay, stating that in the month of July of the year 1538, two Biscayan "zabras" (fn. 12) at anchor within Aliaporte, a port of England, were boarded by certain French corsairs, from Blaover and Ambert in the country of Brittany, who plundered their cargoes. That the Most Christian King had been applied to for redress, but that up to this day no justice had been done, nor any answer to their application received. The councillors cannot but refer to this fact, and observe that since people coming from France with claims of that sort obtain ready justice in this country, it is but just that our countrymen should be equally well attended to in France.
In consequence of last year's bad harvest, and the privations to which the poor have been subjected, much illness—almost amounting to a plague—prevails in several provinces of this monarchy, the consequences being that many thousands are flocking to this capital for the purpose of getting food and health. Physicians, however, and medical men have been of opinion that unless proper lodgings and wholesome food are prepared for the multitude of hungry beggars and sick who enter daily this capital, there is great danger of infection. Hospitals have, therefore, been provided for the cure of the sick, as well as for the feeding of the poor, of whatever nationality they may be, with this proviso, that such houses are instituted solely for the real poor and sick, and that they are not to beg in churches or in streets, because experience shows that many who are in good health, and do not actually want food, are in the habit of frequenting churches and other places of worship, or else begging for alms in the streets, without, however, attending mass, confessing, or taking the sacrament, to the great injury of others, who may be contaminated by their bad example.
The marquis de Cortes, (fn. 13) civil governor of Seville, wrote on the 13th ulto. To the most Revd. Cardinal [Tavera] that Da. Juana de Guzman (fn. 14) was dying at a place near that city. She had a daughter, who, being very rich, was asked in marriage by the duke of Medina Sidonia, (fn. 15) the count of Ureña, (fn. 16) and the duke of Arcos. (fn. 17) Were the Duchess to die, as apprehended, it is necessary (says the governor of Seville) to make some provision or other to prevent her daughter from falling into the power of any of the three noblemen. The Council, therefore, in Your Majesty's name ordered that in the event of the Duchess dying, a king's officer should be sent to the fortress of Marchenilla, or wherever Doña Mariana, the daughter, and other ladies of the Duchess' family might be residing at the time, and take measures for all and every one of them to remain in the same position and with the same liberty of action, which they enjoyed during the Duchess' lifetime, and that no one should dare to interfere with her or them, or cause them to be removed elsewhere. Should this have been effected before the arrival of our warrant, Da. Mariana and the ladies of her suit to be restored to their liberty and former mode of living.
Again on the 6th inst. the governor wrote that on hearing of the Duchess' demise, he himself went to Arahal, where the Duchess was residing at the time of her death, together with her daughter, and Da. Ana de la Cruz, daughter of the duke de Arcos; but that on reaching the place, he found there only Doña Mariana, not Doña Ana de la Cruz, though the count of Ureña, the count of Olivares, (fn. 18) and the count of Castellar (fn. 19) were in the town. He (the Governor) ascertained that Don Francisco Ponce de Leon, (fn. 20) brother of the duke of Arcos [D. Rodrigo], deceased, had approached Arahal at night, scaled the walls of that fortress, and taken Doña Ana to the town of Moron. When the governor of Seville heard of that, he required the count of Ureña, in Your Majesty's name, at once to set Doña Ana at liberty according to the letter of the warrant. This, however, the count would not comply with, alleging that he was the curator and ward of Doña Ana. The Governor insisted, ordering him to present himself within 20 days at this court. The Count appealed, &c. The Council might have decided the case against the Count, and got possession of Da. Ana, but the affair is so grave that they have suspended all proceedings until Your Majesty's pleasure be made known to them. Meanwhile Da. Mariana (fn. 21) herself was secured and placed [in a convent] until Your Imperial Majesty decides who is to marry her. Many are, as Your Majesty will see, the pretenders to her hand, as will appear from the Governor's letters, and other papers appended, especially the duke of Medina-Sidonia, and the count of Olivares.
After this Pedro de Villanueva, the solicitor, presented a petition in the name of the count of Ureña, appealing against the above warrant. The deeds were examined, and after consulting the cardinal [Tavera] and the governor [of Seville] on the subject, a warrant was issued for the Count, notwithstanding the appeal, to deliver up Doña Ana de la Cruz, and let her keep company and live with Da. Mariana as before. Another warrant was issued for Don Francisco Ponce to appear personally at Court, and once there not to absent himself without Your Majesty's permission. Lastly, that should the count of Ureña deliver Da. Ana de la Cruz to the governor of Seville, the latter is to pass her over, together with Da. Mariana, the Duchess' daughter, to Don Pedro de Çuñiga y de Sandoval, to whom the Duchess commended the care of her daughter, until she should be placed in the hands of the curators named in her will. The Governor to receive the oath, security, and fealty (plesto omenage), to have her in such deposit, and that neither he, nor any one else in his name, could dispose of her hand without Your Majesty's permission, and that he should appoint for her escort and service, according to her rank, such trusty servants of both sexes as he might think proper. He was to send authentic copies of the will and codicils granted by the Duchess, as well as that of the duke of Arcos, that the curatorship should be cleared up.
At the same time a warrant was issued for the duke of Medina-Sidonia, the counts of Olivares and Castellar to dismiss the men they have collected, and altogether quit the territory where Da. Mariana is now residing, under certain pains, ordering all the grandees and knights of Andalucia, if need be, to help and assist the said Governor in the execution of the warrant, which was sent post-haste on the 11th inst.
After this, on the 17th, Don Lorenço de Figueroa presented a petition asking that Doña Ana should be placed under the power of count de Ureña, on the plea that the affair concerned the High Commander of Leon (Covos), although it must be said that hitherto the latter has neither mentioned the affair to us, nor showed himself a party to it. Our answer has been that should the count of Ureña obey the injunction issued, justice will be done.
On the same day D. Francisco Ponce de Leon appeared personally in Council, and presented a petition. He was examined, and the Council decided that he should be a prisoner in this court, and not quit it without Your Majesty's permission.
Renunciation of the office of Diego de Soto, scrivener to the Council, in favor of his son Diego.—Madrid, 23 Sept. 1540.
Spanish. Original. pp. 5.

Footnotes

1 "Et eust charge Crumuel (Cromwell) den faire la dite priere ung peu avant quel fust saisy (?) et depuis ne sen estoit faict mention."
2 Thamasso Campeggi, 1520–59.
3 Fray Vincencio Lunel (?).
4 Both members of the house of Medina Celi.
5 As to the count of Cifuentes, who was by this time in Spain, see Vol. V. passim.
6 "Y que no habiendo efecto lo de Madama, que el Papa dará la embestidura (sic for investidura) al yerno, y con su favor y con el de Francia ganarian el Regno [deNapoles]."
7 A descendant of Ferdinand, the Catholic, and Bon of the duke of Segorbe.
8 "Y que todo fué maldad y niñorias, que se podian quitar con agua bendita."
9 "Lo que V. Md ha proveydo en el entretanto de la persona de Andalot me paresca bien por su fidelidad y bondad; pero para adelante advierta V. Md que es menestar posser alli una persona da mucha sustancia, que aquella señora es moça, y está sola, y trata con gente del Infierno, y segun las cosas han pasado, no puede dexar de hauer adelante macbas otras que causaran gran dcscontentamiento."
10 Cesar Riario, patriarch of Alexandria, who was appointed bishop by Leo X. in 1519, and died in 1540.
11 Por una nao gruesa y chalupa de ingleses.
12 Zabra, a small rigged vessel resembling a cutter, then used on the coast of Biscay.
13 Pedro de Navarra "el Mariscal," first Marquis de Cortes, from 1538 to 1542.
14 Da Juana de Guzman of the house of Medina Sidonia.
15 The tenth duke, whose name was D. Juan de Guzman.
16 D. Pedro Tellez-Giron, IV. Count de Ureña, who succeeded to the estate on the 26th of April 1531. He had married Maria de la Cueva, daughter of the duke of Alburquerque [D. Beltran], and died on the 19th May 1558.
17 D. Luis Christovel Ponce de Leon, II. Duke of Arcos.
18 D. Pedro de Guzman, I. Count of Olivares, brother of the Duke of Medina Sidonia (D. Juan).
19 D. Juan Arias de Saavedra, I. Count de Castellar, who married Da Maria [Ana] de Guzman.
20 D. Francisco Ponce de Leon, brother of the third Duke of Arcos (D. Rodrigo).
21 Y que el Consejo puso en cobro á Da Mariana.


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