November 1541, 1-20


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'Spain: November 1541, 1-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 1: 1538-1542 (1890), pp. 376-396. URL: Date accessed: 19 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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November 1541, 1-20

5 Nov.200. Cardinal Tavera to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 51,
ff. 144–5.
B. M. Add. 28,593,
f. 43.
On the 16th ult. we wrote to Your Majesty by way of Valencia, enclosing despatches from Rome and Flanders, as well as Don Francisco Manrique's letters from the coast of France. The messenger went on board a brigantine, which governor Cavanilles fitted out for him. We were then exceedingly anxious for news, not having received any from Your Imperial Majesty for a long time; but on the 20th a letter came from ambassador Figueroa, and on the 22nd those of Don Francisco Manrique, through which we were informed that Your Imperial Majesty had actually sailed off with the whole of the fleet.
By the papers and memoranda which Don Francisco brought and laid before this Council of State, we were informed of what had passed between Your Majesty and His Holiness during the few days that you passed in that island.
The resolutions there and then taken seem to us most suitable and proper, as well as necessary for the welfare of Christendom at large, the extirpation of heresy and error, and the resistance against the enemies of the Faith, and that whereas Your Majesty could not possibly be present at the future conferences, owing to your being personally engaged in so meritorious an expedition, the charge of representing Your Majesty had been entrusted to Mr. de Grandvelle, whose experience of affairs is mostly wanted on occasions like this, when His Holiness' natural propensity to procrastination and delay may be injurious. (fn. 1)
Don Francisco Manrique drew out a report of his negociation in France. There can be no doubt that all the stirring up in France was owing to the fear they have of Your Majesty's arms. No sooner did they hear of Your Majesty's peaceful intentions than every preparation for defence was suspended, and the King gave orders that all prisoners should be liberated, with the single exception of the archbishop of Valence. As to Vergara, the accountant [also a prisoner in France], no notice was then taken, owing to some omission or other, but since then proper application has been made for his release.
The day after D. Francisco's arrival Your Majesty's courier came from Mallorca with the letter of the 15th ult., giving us certain news of Your Majesty's sailing for the coast of Africa. As the galley in which he came was the same in which were Your Majesty's jewels bound for Cartagena, the courier had to make a détour before he came here, which naturally increased our anxiety.
Glad to hear that Your Majesty has chosen that port to land after your return from Africa, but very sorry to learn that the duke of Alba with the Spanish galleys was unable to join the expedition. How that could be we have not the least idea, for certainly he (the Duke) sailed in time to make Iviza and La Formentera 12 or 13 days before any of the other ships could arrive there. Perhaps he sent a galley to Mallorca to ascertain whether Your Majesty was already in that island, but the wind being contrary the galley could not make head against it, and, although she attempted it twice or three times, she was obliged to come back. That was no doubt the cause of Your Majesty being unaware that the fleet was so close by; but as the Duke wrote next day that the wind was fair for going to Mallorca, we have no doubt that by this time he has already effected his junction.
Provisions shall not be wanting; besides those already collected and stored at Cartagena, orders have been sent to secretary Peña, as well as to the "corregidor," Andrés Davalos, to prepare a quantity of biscuit; and as hands might be wanted, he of Malaga has been written to, to send eight or ten "maestros" to help in the baking. The last letters from that town inform us that seven bizcocheros with their helps (ayudantes) have already left for Cartagena.
To the frontiers of Navarre and Fuenterrabia orders have been forwarded to be on the alert, for although there is no fear at present of the French making any movement, yet it is not prudent to be too confident. The same orders have been sent to the frontier of Perpignan for captain Moreno—who once was there in Don Francés de Alava's time, and was much liked by the inhabitants—to reside there with 400 men raised in the kingdoms of Valencia and Aragon, and that the 200 men of the garrison of Perpignan should go to Navarre.
Prince Philip went the other day for sport to Aranjuez, and thence to visit his sister Doña Maria. (fn. 2) —Madrid, 5 November 1541.
Spanish. Original. pp. 8.
6 Nov.201. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 232,
ff. 69–72.
Three days ago I received Your Majesty's letter of the 16th ult., together with the copy of the treaty of commerce, besides the very ample and copious information of what passed in the various negociations, which documents will, I calculate, be enough for the present, if these people have the least desire of hearing the truth and listening to reason.
Having heard from a reliable quarter that the French ambassador had actually bribed people to make the King and his privy councillors believe that the Emperor was thinking of nothing short of having a general Council celebrated in the teeth of this king, (fn. 3) and that Mr. de Grantvelle (fn. 4) had remained behind at Rome chiefly for the purpose of soliciting the assembly of that Council, I decided in order to allay the suspicion if conceived, and ascertain how the King's fantastic humour had taken the news, and what his privy councillors thought of it, to send one of my men to Court under the excuse of soliciting the redress of some great injury lately done to ten or twelve Flemings now in London, but in reality and incidentally to inform the privy councillors that the chief cause of Mr. de Grantvelle's stay at Rome was the question submitted to His Holiness respecting the truce and its observance, and whether it had been broken or not. That until now I was not aware of the Privy Seal having brought forward before His Holiness any other subject except his raising at his expense 2,000 Italians to help against the Turk, and likewise his sending some legate or nuncio to Germany to induce the prelates of those parts to reform the ecclesiastical state according to the Emperor's recommendations in the last Diet and the promise made by its members. I thought that by declaring and fully specifying this last article, the King and his councillors might understand that if there had been any appearance of a general Council of the Church being soon assembled, as reported, at the Emperor's exclusive solicitation, there was no need to ask for the sending of a legate. I did more; for the sake of the "bonne bouche" and flattery with which the French are in the habit of saturating them, (fn. 5) I sent them word that the Emperor, before he embarked for the coast of Africa, had caused a letter to be written to me, in which he said he had ordered Mr. de Grantvelle to communicate with me by letter, and let me know confidentially the news of Rome that I might immediately apprize the King thereof.
I am told by the privy councillors that when the King heard the above from my secretary's lips, he took the whole in good part, and was singularly pleased and satisfied at the account of the discomfiture of Fragoso and Rincon, and my secretary tells me that, to judge from the mien and countenance of the privy councillors, neither they nor the King seemed to approve of the application made by the French to His Holiness, much less of certain articles of their demand. As a further proof that my message produced good effect in the Privy Council, I must add that the affair of the Flemings, which I took up by way of excuse, was immediately settled, and that not a word was said to my secretary about the affair for which this King's ambassadors are still in Brussels.
The duke of Norffoc (Norfolk) had obtained leave from the King to go for some days to his house in the country, but scarcely had he been there three days when one of his men died of the plague, and not daring for that reason to go to Greenwich, where the Court now is, he has come here to London, and has already spent five days surrounded by his friends. I have no doubt that on this occasion the ambassador of France and he must have had frequent communication. I wonder why it is that my confident of the French embassy has not come to report; neither has he brought to me the alphabets of the three ciphers which he once promised. I suspect he will not until I have paid him a good sum of money for his trouble, if I am to believe what he indirectly said to my man the last time he spoke to him.—London, 6 November 1541.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp.
9 Nov. 202. D. Francisco Manrique to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 55,
ff. 202–3.
M. Add. 28,593,
f. 38.
I failed not to write to Your Majesty, by way of Genoa, how well I was treated at Thurin (Torino), and how on my road to France I witnessed the preparations of defence being made everywhere for fear of Your Majesty invading the country on that side. I also had occasion to mention the good reception which the King gave me, as well as other incidents of my journey; but as that despatch was written in Burgundy, and I am not sure of its having reached its destination, I consider myself in duty bound to amplify, as it were, its contents.
[Relates in more detail his interview with king Francis at Lyons, as in No. 197, and then continues.]
With regard to Your Majesty having left behind Mr. de Grandvelle to transact certain business, as agreed with the Pope, in Italy, (fn. 6) the King said to me that he would answer His Holiness' letter in so satisfactory a manner that no possible complaints should be made of him. The archbishop of Valence (Valencia) (he said) was not to be considered a prisoner of his; he was only detained until his own servants, now under arrest, should be restored to him. He (the King) could not say whether they were alive or dead; he rather thought they were alive; but if dead, as many presume, he must needs have satisfaction. As to other prisoners in his hands, he (the King) knows nothing about them; if there were any, they had been imprisoned without his knowledge, and will be set free immediately. It was not he who began; he did in nowise break the truce, nor will he ever do so, and break his promise. It was not for that purpose that he ordered levies of men throughout his kingdom, but because he noticed that the Pope, the Venetians, and other Powers were arming in concert with Your Majesty.
As to certain gentlemen, your servants, now detained at Avignon, they were not within his own dominions, and therefore it was not in his power to liberate them. If any one of them happens to be a prisoner within the limits of his kingdom he shall be freed at once.
I firmly believe that our most Holy Father, the Pope, has done in this affair of the archbishop of Valencia all that could be expected of him as befitting his dignity and authority; but I suspect also that both his resident Nuncio at this court and the one who came after have taken, and are taking, the thing very coolly. Perceiving, however, this King's obstinate refusal to surrender his prisoner, Your Majesty's ambassador and I thought proper to ask that the archbishop should at least be released from the castle wherein he is a prisoner, and allowed to go freely about and reside at some town of this country favorably situated for the recovery of his somewhat shattered health. This we (Marvol and I) flattered ourselves might be easily obtained, since the King himself had distinctly told us that the archbishop was no prisoner of his. But we were mistaken; the King answered us that the archbishop was in a very healthy spot, well lodged and treated. As to the twenty servants of his detained in the castle of Lyons, among whom there were a few gentlemen, they would (he said) be liberated at once. (fn. 7)
The archbishop is still in the castle of Semur (Saumur) on the Soc, in Burgundy; he is in good health and well treated, as l said above. The King said that henceforth all couriers and others will be allowed to pass through his dominions unmolested, and that he hopes his own in Italy will be equally well treated.
I forgot to mention in my former despatch that immediately after my first audience, and the assurances I gave him of Your Majesty's most pacific intentions, this King sent orders to all his frontiers to disarm, and that having, whilst at Lyons, passed muster to the gentlemen of his Royal household, as well as to the archers of his body-guard, about 1,500 horse in all—though their number was supposed to be higher—he dismissed them all to go home. One half of the force seemed to me well-appointed and excellent men-at-arms; the other very indifferent. On my road here I have met others, chiefly Gascons coming from Provence, where, as in the Languedoc, there were no less than 4,000 or 5,000 of them. In the county of Avignon the King had 4,000 lances, who still remain there encamped, as the people of that town will not let them in. It is rumoured that king Francis wishes to get possession of Avignon, and that the sending of such a force thither was only owing to the report that His Holiness was about to make over the castle of that town to Your Majesty in exchange for other fiefs and towns to be given to his grandsons (nietos). With all this there was a rumour at the court of France that the two Papal Nuncios had given it to be understood that should king Francis wish for an interview with His Holiness at Turin, there would be no difficulty at all on his part.
Your Majesty may be certain of one thing—this king is evidently glad of a prorogation of the truce until he himself be in a condition to break it, for just now he is very poor. I have been told by practical financiers that the fear of Your Majesty's fleets and armies has already cost him upwards of 500,000 crs., for at one time he was almost sure that Your Majesty intended to make war upon him, and so he had to provide for Turin, and Marseilles, Aigues-Mortes, Narbonne, and the whole of Provence, not knowing exactly which of those provinces was most threatened. Indeed, his chancellor complains of the large sums he has had to remit to Germany for the purpose of making recruits there, the money having been taken from Lyons merchants and bankers by way of a forced loan, &c.
Fragoso's relatives have been lately trying to obtain from this king permission for the Genoese to trade freely in France, and chiefly in Lyons, as they formerly did, pretending that if such permission be granted several influential and rich merchants of that Republic will come and settle in France, and that in this manner possession may be obtained of that city by some of the gates and towers in the walls; in consequence of which petition free permission to trade with France has been granted to the Genoese.
Her Majesty, the queen of France, is doing well. I met her close to Burgenbresse (Bourg en Bresse), ten leagues away from where the King was then staying. She had been very ill indeed, almost on the verge of death; but when I saw her she had entirely recovered.
At Lyons I heard that a brother of Cesare Fragoso coming from Venice had just arrived, and expressed the hope that his brother was still alive; but on the eve of my leaving that city a courier came post haste from Italy announcing that Fragoso had been found dead, pierced by poinard wounds, between the river Po and Pavia, and his body had been taken to the family vault and there interred. That his widow had actually seen and recognized him by a certain mark in his hand, and that she herself was coming to France. I hold it for certain that even in case of that courier having stated the truth, which I do not believe, this king will make no stir at all about it, because I fancy that for some time past he has believed him to be dead. However this may be, Fragoso's brother has been the bearer of the news.
The news about the Turk here is that he intends passing the winter in Hungary and retaining possession of Buda, having already sent to Constantinople for reinforcements, all for fear of the auxiliary forces going thither from Hungary to Germany and Bohemia. Vienna, however, was quite secure from an attack, for the Turk had not passed Buda, nor was he likely to make a movement in advance during this winter.
Whilst at the court of France I received Your Majesty's letter of the 27th September, as well as my own commission for Spain. With regard to the Spanish courier stopped and arrested in Provence, the Imperial ambassador and I made proper representations, asking the King for his release, and the recovery of the letters and despatches he had with him, as well as for that of the Lutheran, who, according to Juan Vazquez [de Molina], was a prisoner on board the brigantine (fn. 8) that was captured. I likewise spoke to the King of another courier taken at Monpeller, who was going from Rome to Spain. With reference to the last [courier], who left Genoa and was arrested in France, the King assured me that he knew nothing at all about him, but would make inquiries and have him released like the others. I myself on my road [to Spain] did all I could to gather information about the courier arrested in Provence, and, if possible, take to Spain, as I was instructed, the letters and despatches of which he was bearer; but no traces whatever could be found of him. As to the one who coming from Rome was taken at Monpeller, I have ascertained that he is still kept under custody at Aigues-Mortes. At Barcelona, on my landing, I found that the Lutheran, mentioned in Juan Vazquez' letter to me, was safely lodged in the dungeons of the Inquisition. (fn. 9) I also learned that the courier from Genoa, who brought Your Majesty's letters of the 9th and 11th Sept., as well as the memorandum for the High Commander [of Leon] had reached his destination without impediment. I have, therefore, written to the Imperial ambassador in France not to trouble the King on this subject again.
Both on my road from La Spezzia to Lyons, where I met Your Majesty's ambassador, and between Burgundy and Madrid, I made all possible haste, but what with the King's almost daily hunting, and eleven or twelve days spent in answering Your Majesty's letter, and two more by the Queen, it was out of the question for me to leave sooner. I fancy that I was purposely detained that I should witness the muster of this King's household and bodyguard, as above.
On my arrival here I delivered into the hands of the High Commander Your Majesty's letter, and gave him and the cardinal of Toledo (Tavera) a summary account of what I had done and seen in France.—Madrid, 4 November 1541.
Signed: "Don Francisco Manrique."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, &c."
Spanish. Original. pp. 13.
10 Nov.203. Eustace Chapuys to Mr. de Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 232,
f. 51.
The very great haste of this courier, and my knowing that your Lordship must already be acquainted with the late events in this country, are the causes of my not writing at length. I can only say that, since the date of my last despatch to the Emperor, the ambassador of France has received no letters whatever from the King, his master, nor has he spoken either to this king or to the duke of Norfolk. I have again caused some money to be paid to the friend in question, (fn. 10) in order to keep him alert and in good spirits, as the present circumstances require, and he has given me hope of some original letters.—London, in haste, this 10th of November, 1541.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To Monseigneur, Monsieur de Grandvelle, first councillor of State, and Lord Privy Seal to the Emperor." (fn. 11)
French. Original. p. 1.
10 Nov.204. The Same to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 232,
ff. 76–7.
Last Lent (fn. 12) I wrote to Your Majesty that this king, feigning indisposition, was ten or twelve days without seeing his queen or allowing her to come into his room; that during all that time there had been much consultation and talk of a divorce; but that, owing to some presumption that she (the Queen) was in the family way, or because the means and ways to bring about a divorce were not yet sufficiently prepared, (fn. 13) the affair dropped, and has since been dormant until the 5th inst., on which day, early in the morning, the King went into his Council room, and remained there until noon. Suddenly, after dinner, he entered his small barge, with six or seven of his attendants, and came here from Antoncour (Hampton Court), where the rest of the Privy Council remained sitting, the Chancellor and the duke of Norfolk having been summoned in haste the night before, at 12 o'clock. After the King had left, the archbishop of Canterbury entered the Queen's room two or three times, as is supposed, to interrogate and admonish her in the name of the Council; (fn. 14) but it does not appear that much work was accomplished by that. On the evening of the 6th, the privy councillors returned [to Hampton Court], and stayed nearly all night deliberating in the King's apartments, and again the day after, night and day, at the house of the bishop of Winchester, where it was resolved to make most of those who were at Hampton Court with the Queen leave the palace, seals being put on all the coffers and chests, and the doors being guarded. Among others who remained inside the palace was the archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), head and chief of the whole set. Meanwhile the Queen's brother was kept away from her room, and some time before a damsel of the Privy Chamber, named Fenelle, (fn. 15) and a gentleman of the name of Durem, (fn. 16) master usher to the Queen's apartments, had been sent to the Tower. From what I have been able to learn, after most diligent inquiry, it seems that the King pretends that the above mentioned Durem had actually been betrothed to the Queen before her marriage to him, and, therefore, that his own is invalid and nul. And I have been told that in two days time the King will have that published, and that three months hence the Estates of the kingdom will be assembled by convocation, which makes me suspect that if Parliament meets, it will be for the purpose of revoking and cancelling their former declaration and decree on the nullity of the Clèves' marriage. The suspicion grows stronger from the fact that it is since the return of the bishop of Winchester, who seems to be the guide and counsel in all this affair, that the above particulars have become public, for, having been in Germany, he (the Bishop) may have had opportunities for making inquiries and getting information respecting the causes and reasons of the King's divorce from her. At least, such is the belief of the French ambassador, who has written about it [to his master]. Indeed, not later than yesterday he was heard to say that the young duke of Clèves would soon be one of the most highly connected princes in the world, and that this king's reconciliation with his sister Anne would promote other very important alliances of momentous consequences, meaning the Princess' marriage; yet, notwithstanding what the French ambassador says, I cannot believe that this king will ever retake Anne as his wife; even if he felt some inclination for it, means ought to be found to prevent it.—London, 10 November 1541.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph, ciphered. pp. 2.
14 Nov.205. Commander Valençuela to the High Commander Covos.
S. E., L. 870,
f. 120.
M. Add. 28,593,
f. 49.
Wrote on the 17th ult. (fn. 17) As the transit of couriers through France was then considered rather uncertain, I enclose a duplicate of my letter.
On pending business I have nothing to add to the report which the Imperial ambassador and Mr. de Granvelle cannot fail to send by this post. To-morrow they will be received by His Holiness, and as Mr. de Granvelle says that he only intends remaining here at Rome six days, I presume that the business for which he came will now be at an end.
A week after my last letter commander Gilberte died very suddenly of the asthma he was suffering from when he came here. Being a good Christian he had made his will a few days before, and appointed me his executor and successor in office, of course, until the Emperor's pleasure should appear. Since then these gentlemen have confirmed the Commander's designation, but I confess that I was tempted to refuse, not indeed on account of the duchess Margaret herself, whose most humble servant I am, but because all those who have hitherto had charge of her household affairs have gone through great risks and dangers, not one of them that I know of having escaped prison or death or bad wounds. (fn. 18) I have, therefore, accepted, though I must at the same time fulfil the duties of the mission on which I was sent here.—Rome, 14 November 1541.
Signed: "Francisco de Valençuela."
Addressed: "To the most illustrious lord, the High Commander of Leon, &c."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
14 Nov.206. The Marquis de Aguilar and Musgr. (sic) de Granvelle to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 870,
f. 32.
B. M. Add. 28,593,
f. 51.
Since our last, dated Tody [Todi], the 25th of October, informing Your Majesty of our arrival in Rome together with His Holiness, we (the Marquis and I) have never rested until we prevailed upon cardinals Santa Croce and Frenes (Farnese), previously deputed by the Pope, to hold a conference with the ambassadors of king Francis, and ascertain from them how far they were inclined to observe the present truce, and whether they were or were not disposed to accept the terms offered to them at Lucca, which were to submit to his Holiness' decision and arbitrage, not only Fragoso's case, but also any other infraction of the truce of which they might complain, since Your Majesty, to do them pleasure, had consented to do the same, and place the whole matter in his Holiness' hands for him to decide.
The Cardinals, therefore, spoke to the ambassador and secretary of France, who, being pressed to state their reasons for their master's exculpation, declared that if their master's answer had been different from what they and we expected, it was chiefly owing to his having since obtained positive information as to the death of both Cesare Fragoso and Rincon. And upon the Cardinals proving to them, by comparing dates, that when king Francis proposed to put the affair in his Holiness' hands he (the King) could not have known of the death of Fragoso and Rincon, having written explicitly enough "that on Your Majesty's return from Algiers he would insist upon the release of the prisoners," the ambassador and secretary were obliged to own that the King had not said anything of the sort, but that they themselves had inserted a paragraph or words to that effect in order to save time and excuse their master. As to the prorogation of the truce, they could do nothing in the matter without consulting cardinal Trivultio first.
After giving us an account of their conference with the French ambassadors, the Cardinals suggested that king Francis, being, as reported, very much concerned and afflicted by the death of Fragoso and Rincon, might possibly, if pressed to prorogue the truce and release Mr. de Valence (Valencia), declare that he would do neither the one nor the other, and if so the thread of peace would be abruptly severed. That His Holiness had been thinking that it was far better to treat of the observance of the present truce conjointly with the peace itself.
This we refused in Your Majesty's name, saying that truce and peace were two different things. We wanted to know how far king Francis was disposed to observe the former. As to the latter, there was plenty of time before us to establish, with His Holiness' consent and mediation, a good and solid one. What we wished to know was whether king Francis would observe faithfully its conditions whilst the Emperor was attacking the enemy of Christendom in his own dominions. That we might hear what the French ambassador had to answer to our application, the marquis de Aguilar and I (Granvelle) remained to dine with cardinal Farnese; and his colleague, Santa Croce, having called in the afternoon, both said to us that the French ambassador had reduced his defence to two points. One was that since he and his colleague had — as they said and as was true—applied for His Holiness' judgment and decision in the case of Fragoso and Rincon, they could not decently desist from their application; it was for us not to put too much pressure on their master, the King, considering the pain he must have felt at their unfortunate end. The other point was that the King had already answered in writing the five articles presented by Your Majesty's ambassador in France and by Don Francisco Manrique.
To the above two points of the French ambassador's declaration, we then and there replied, as we afterwards did to His Holiness, that the king of France could not equitably and reasonably escape through any subterfuge the arbitration of His Holiness to which he himself had consented, much less in a case so important as that one, and so closely connected with the welfare of Christendom and the preservation of peace in Italy. It was, we said, incumbent upon His Holiness to ascertain what chance there was of king Francis observing the truce, since were he to break it the whole of the Christian community would be placed in jeopardy through the Turk, &c. The Pope having thought fit, in the course of conversation, to exaggerate king Francis' sentiments at the loss of Fragoso and Rincon, his ministers—who, though not wholly accredited as his ambassadors, had really and truly received that denomination and title—adding that king Francis pretended to know where and by whom they were slain, we could not do less than repeat the statement once made, namely, that Your Majesty had never ordered or consented to the death of Fragoso and Rincon; that, on the contrary, you had caused the most diligent search and inquiry to be made concerning it. That was the reason why we were ready to submit to his arbitration. Besides (said we) both Fragoso and Rincon were wicked and disreputable men, owing to their practices and dealings with the Turk, the Lutherans, and the Venetians, to the great injury of Christendom, as His Holiness was aware, and as could be proved in time. They were at the time of their misadventure crossing the duchy of Milan, accompanied by rebels and outcasts (fuorusciti) of that State, and if they were slain they richly deserved their fate, and that it was neither just nor tolerable that by way of retaliation, and in exchange for such men, king Francis should retain in his power a person so high in dignity as the archbishop of Valence (Valencia), taken prisoner at the time that he was journeying to take possession of his archiepiscopal see.
With regard to the five articles which the French ambassadors pretended had been presented to their master, and obtained his full approbation, we assured His Holiness that no such thing had happened; it was one of the many falsehoods invented by them in order to excuse their master, because the charge given to Don Francisco Manrique was merely to visit the King in Your Majesty's name, and inform him of the expedition you were about to undertake for the service of God and the welfare of Christendom, at the same time praying him to be a good neighbour to you. Don Francisco was also, if an opportunity offered itself, to ask for the release of Mr. de Valence (Valencia) and other prisoners in the King's hands. If mention were to be made of the truce, Don Francisco was instructed to refer entirely to what had been settled at Lucca. Neither the Imperial ambassador in France nor Don Francisco Manrique (said we) had received from the King's ministers any communication in writing, and therefore we were at a loss to guess the five articles agreed to by king Francis. If His Holiness wished, we (the Imperial ambassador and I) had no objection whatever to make the same statement in public, and in the presence of the French.
His Holiness' reply to our arguments was that with respect to the imprisonment of the archbishop of Valence (Valencia) we were right. He himself had spoken in the warmest terms to the French ambassadors, and so had his nuncios in France done to the King. He hoped that the whole thing would be shortly remedied; if it were not, he (the Pope) would do his part. With regard to the truce and Fragoso's affair, he said that although king Francis' ministers had placed the whole matter in his hands, and it was just and reasonable that they should submit to his arbitration, yet in order not to overstrain matters so as to rend asunder the threads of peace, he still insisted upon the expediency of treating at once of the prorogation of the existing truce, and the ways and means for a future peace.
Our reply was that, for the reasons we fully explained to cardinals Farnese and Santa Croce, we decidedly objected to that. It might, we said, have been done had not king Francis attempted to put a limit to the observation of the truce by submitting it entirely to His Holiness' arbitration and will, having formally declared that he will keep the same during the Algiers undertaking, and until he sees what sort of punishment Your Majesty will inflict on those concerned in Fragoso and Rincon's death, and provided no other cause of complaint is given him, &c.
Perceiving, however, that His Holiness still persisted in his opinion, we asked him whether he would mind giving us an attested memorandum of all that had passed in this matter of the truce since the day in which the King's ministers first spoke of it at Lucca up to the present time, that we might forward it to Your Majesty and make use of it in its own time and place, when convenient. Whilst we were discussing the above two points, cardinal Santa Croce came in, and said that he had forgotten to report an important item of the conversation he had held the day before with the French ambassador, which was this: Having asked him what his master, the King, would do in case of Your Majesty refusing to investigate Fragoso's case, and have the murderers punished to his own satisfaction, the ambassador had answered that His Holiness would be the judge of what king Francis ought to do in order to see if they intended fulfilling their word, and that his Holiness might not be deceived by them a second time, Santa Croce asked the ambassadors whether they had any objection to put down in writing the substance of their conversation; they had promised to do so.
With this our first conference ended. Next day there was a talk about the proposed reformation of the German prelates, and the ecclesiastic whom the Pope is to depute for that purpose. The Pope said that he had appointed cardinals Contareno and Brundusino to frame the instructions which the said ecclesiastic is to take for the discharge of his commission. Also respecting the General Council, the time and place of its celebration, as well as the ratification of the League, which we are given to understand—and is still in statu quo—was to have been given before the Pope's departure from Bologna to the duke of Bavaria's agent.
We likewise spoke to him of the Diet, which His Majesty the king of the Romans has summoned for the 14th of January, to consider what is to be done against the Turk, and whom His Holiness intends to designate as his representative in that Diet. We gave him a copy of the indiction in German, with its Latin translation ad pedem litterœ, without omitting one single word. All this we are doing in order to gain time. With the same purpose we have begged His Holiness to send us a copy of whatever his answer to Germany may be on the aforesaid three points, namely, Reform, Council, and Diet, that we may state our own opinion on the whole for the greater satisfaction of the Germans themselves.
Half-fruits of Flanders—
On the 5th inst. we again called on His Holiness, with the double object of taking leave of him, and enquiring whether the French ambassadors had or had not sent in their statement in writing, as promised, when asked what the King, their master, would do in case of Your Majesty declining to punish the murderers of Fragoso and Rincon. The two Cardinals (Farnese and Santa Croce) being there present, said that although the French ambassadors had repeated over and over again the same statement, they had resolutely declined to put it down in writing, though they had promised to write home about it.
Before taking leave of His Holiness, and perceiving that he still persisted in his former idea of putting aside the point relating to the observation of the truce, or rather treating conjointly of it and of the means of ensuring peace, we again prayed him, as earnestly as we could, to grant us the two aforesaid points, namely, a certificate of all that had happened at Lucca and here at Rome on the Fragoso affair and in that of the archbishop of Valence (Valencia); and the other that he himself should give us his opinion in writing as to the security of Italy in case of the truce not being ensured. Such insistence on our part was founded on our belief that the Pope will never give such a certificate; neither will he declare himself with regard to Italy, this being the true thorn in His Holiness' side, as it is in king Francis', and likewise the only effectual means for us of bringing them over to the maintenance of the truce and the release of the Archbishop.
Perceiving that we were not likely to give in, the Pope then began to say that he would do what he could in this affair of the truce and release of Mr. de Valence (Valencia); he would write to his nuncio in France to speak to king Francis about it, and, if necessary, send one of his own most confidential servants to him, and do whatever else was required, to make the King understand the bad effect which would be produced in Christendom by his refusing to make such a declaration as the one asked for; whilst, on the other hand, it would be a great piece of justification for Your Majesty that your pressing requests to him (the Pope) should be made known to the World. We had no doubt that after that the French would no longer object to the declaration asked from them, provided he (the Pope) at the same time proposed the terms of peace, as the one thing could not well go without the other, being so closely connected, &c.
Our answer was that as to His Holiness sending a nuncio to France with the express mission of persuading king Francis to make the required declaration, should he do so as desired, and we were once certain of the continuation of the truce, terms of peace might be offered if His Holiness wished it; but that until we knew what those terms might be we had nothing to say. In short, having told His Holiness that if the duchy of Milan was to be one of the conditions, peace could not be made or signed, as it was highly impolitic, as Your Majesty had declared at Lucca, not only as far as Your Majesty was concerned, but dangerous to Italy and the State of the Church, that that duchy should ever be incorporated to the crown of France, that being openly the King's chief aim.
His Holiness seemed to assent to the above arguments of ours, and then began to talk about a marriage between Your Majesty's eldest daughter [the Infanta Da. Maria] and Mons. d'Orleans with the Low Countries of Flanders as a dower, wishing to know the cause why the negociations for a marriage so advantageous for king Francis had been dropped. We answered His Holiness' inquiries on that point by detailing to him what had passed in that business, and that it was not Your Majesty's fault that the offer had not been accepted. Had king Francis considered (said we) how superior that offer was to that of the duchy of Milan, he would not have delayed one moment in seizing it; but some of his ministers and other persons, moved by their own passions and jealousies, had dissuaded him. That the King himself having refused, it was now impossible to resume the negociations, even if the King changed his mind, inasmuch as instead of keeping the thing secret he had maliciously published it everywhere, thus placing Your Majesty in a most awkward and inconvenient position with your own subjects and vassals, and obliging you to make excuses and give explanations.
This notwithstanding, the Pope still insisted that in his opinion that was the only means of conciliation that could be successful, though he owned that king Francis having once, of his own free will, broken off the negociations, there was very little chance of his resuming them again. He intended to send to France a confidential servant of his own to procure the King's declaration, without however informing the French ambassador at his court, or even cardinal Triulzo, for fear this latter, who passionately desires Milan for king Francis, should disarrange his plans. Should the King feel inclined to resume the negociations, then the Nuncio (Poggio) would propose the thing to Your Majesty, &c.
In short, what my colleague and I gather from His Holiness' sentiments is this: that he intends sending someone to king Francis to make sure that the truce will be observed, notwithstanding past or future contraventions, the cognizance and judgment of which is to remain exclusively his, this judgment to be suspended in the meantime to treat of peace through the means above said; also to know what the King's intentions are as to that, or whether a better means of securing peace can be found. The person appointed to insist strongly on the liberation of the Archbishop. This seems to be the Pope's final resolution in this affair, and we have no doubt that in order to have in his hands the management of this present truce, and at the same time preserve his own authority and gain credit, he will fulfil his promises.
We are trying to get other points settled, such as the Council, the resistance against the Turk, the appointment of the person who is to be sent to the Diet of the 14th, the instructions that ecclesiastic is to take, and other like business resolved, as well as that of Ascanio Colonna and his family, the creation of cardinals, ecclesiastical affairs of Spain and Flanders, on which His Holiness by the way does not seem to have yet made up his mind; and although I (Granvelle) purpose leaving Rome in five or six days—during which I shall not cease to solicit the dispatch thereof—I am almost sure that we shall obtain a favorable answer to all, for if I do not my colleague (Aguilar) will.
After the above was written the Pope sent us word that he had appointed Nicolao Ardinguello, bishop of Vessumbrum, (fn. 19) his first Secretary and Datary. A few hours after the Bishop himself called, showed us his instructions, and asked whether we had any orders to give him.
We were about to close this when Your Majesty's letter of the xvith ult. from Mallorca came to hand. We knew already of your safe arrival in that island by a letter of the viceroy of Catalonia. God be praised for it!—Rome, 14 November 1541.
P.S.—A letter has just been received from the marquis del Gasto, in which, though he asks, as usual, our advice in the matter, he still insists on Pirro Colonna declaring to His Holiness what he himself (the Marquis) had charged him to say respecting Fragoso and Rincon's business. In that affair, as we (my colleague and I) have written to him, there is one point among the rest which seems to us of great importance, namely, that the Pope and the rest will never be persuaded that the Marquis knew of the case before Your Majesty's arrival in Italy, and did not inform Your Majesty thereof. For that reason we have hitherto delayed moving in the affair, also because the French might allege that though the Marquis had positively declared the innocence of one of the parties concerned in the crime, he by no means could have done so with regard to the others. Also that if he (the Marquis) knew of the affair he ought not to have allowed judicial proceedings to be taken, as he has, (fn. 20) causing several of the witnesses to take false oaths thereupon. Nor ought he to have practised such dissimulation with the French as he has made use of—giving the King's ministers and the King himself to understand that nobody knew anything of the case nor how the thing happened. And, lastly, that though the Marquis was under obligation to the man who revealed to him the whole thing, he was still more bound to the duties of his office as governor of Milan, and, in short, that it was to be feared that, notwithstanding all the Marquis' protestations, he himself knew nothing of the affair. King Francis might very well allege also that if the Marquis, as governor of the State of Milan, and residing in it at the time, had been guilty of such a fault, he (Francis) could very well attack him and invade the State to revenge the injury he pretends to have received.
For the above reason we thought it was better to delay the said declaration, or put it altogether aside, until it was known whether king Francis would or would not send his powers to the Pope for him to judge of this and other contraventions to the truce, for otherwise the declaration would be useless. But as the Marquis still insists upon Pirro Colonna making the said declaration in his name—though in our opinion it would be preferable not to make it at all—we have resolved to instruct Pirro Colonna to go to His Holiness and tell him that Your Majesty had no knowledge whatever of the affair.
Signed: "Perrenot—El Marques de Aguilar."
Spanish. Original, partly ciphered. pp. 25.
19 Nov.207. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 231,
f. 63–5.
Yesterday this King sent to me the earl of Anthonne (Southampton), his Lord Privy Seal, (fn. 21) first of all to inform me of a fact which he, the Earl, considered most important, namely, that the French were actually soliciting most warmly the hand of the Princess, the King's daughter, for the duke of Orleans (Charles), and that the King, his master, rather than reject their proposals at once, had feigned to listen to them, in order to ascertain what their real intentions and designs were. "As to the French (said the Earl), as they are in the habit of making their profit out of every political move, they might perhaps have spread the rumour that the King, my master, has actually made some promise or taken some sort of engagement in the matter. He has, therefore, sent me to assure you on his faith and honor that, whatever they may say to the contrary, there has been no acceptance whatever nor proposal made on his own side, nay, no desire at all on his part to entertain such a marriage." After which the Earl asked me point-blank: "Have you heard anything about it, and what are your ideas on the subject?"
My answer, after the usual thankful and courteous words, was that I had heard vague reports of it, but had always held such a marriage to be next to impossible, owing to certain considerations, and especially under the circumstances; besides which I held it as sure and true as the Gospel that the King, his master, would in nowise conclude anything towards the said marriage without having first informed Your Imperial Majesty of it, especially after the conversation which had passed between Your Imperial Majesty and the bishop of Winchester (Stephen Gardiner), and several other considerations, which I then and there explained to him. At which answer the Earl was so pleased that he again begged and entreated me, in his master's name, to believe in the sincerity and truth of the message as reported to me. (fn. 22) After this the Earl began to lament over and regret the delay of the negociations between Your Imperial Majesty and the King, his master, observing—as part and portion of the King's message to me—that he owned the necessity of resisting Turkish invasion to be great and pressing, yet, as the bishop of Winchester (Gardiner) had told Your Imperial Majesty, he (the King) could not be expected to contribute with money and men towards the repulse of the Infidel unless closer friendship were first established between Your Imperial Majesty and himself. He therefore wondered that those considerations did not stir Your Majesty on to conclude some treaty or another with England. And on my pointing out to the Earl that the delay, which he regretted, was certainly no fault of Your Majesty's, and that it had principally originated in his master, who had asked for it, he made no other answer except the following: He said that he would willingly sacrifice a good portion of his patrimony to see the conclusion of the treaty between Your Majesty and the King, his master. I then asked him what means he thought would be most conducive to that mutually desired effect. His answer was that he had no commission on that point, and that the overtures, if any, ought to come from Your Majesty. After a good deal of discussion, however, the Earl seemed persuaded, and it was agreed between us that he would tell the King, his master, that a more propitious opportunity could not be found, nor a minister more favorable to his views than at the present moment, since he could be sure of disposing of my person as if I were his own loyal ambassador, and that if the King only deigned making me some sort of overtures as to his intentions, or explaining to me his general views—which his incomparable wisdom and great experience would allow him to do better than any other living creature—I would immediately write home, as if the message came from him, or, if the King preferred it, in my own name, without, however, transgressing his commands in the least. I could, however, at once assure him that the negociations for the treaty would thereby be considerably advanced, which assurance on my part so pleased the Earl that he promised to lay my representations before the King, and even back them with all his power and influence, adding that 1 should soon be summoned to the Royal presence.
After this the Earl proceeded to speak in the strongest possible terms of the detestable practices of the French, who, he said, were intriguing everywhere, and principally with the Turk, "though (the Earl remarked) if Your Imperial Majesty and his master were friends, the latter feared them not; nor could king Francis with his son, the duke of Orleans, achieve great things." The Earl went on making observations of the same sort, which it would take me too much time to reproduce here. I was really astonished to hear so long a discourse from the lips of a man naturally so sober, silent, and reserved as the Earl is. Indeed, he himself swore to me that for the last three years he had not spoken to any living soul as long and openly as he had done to me on this occasion. Among other things he told me one is worthy of particular notice, namely, that the King, his master, was beginning to suspect that king Francis—who had already caused so much injury to Christendom through the Turk, without his having been able by his means to secure the possession of Milan, or any other pretension of his—might well be, after all, inspired by God, and awakened to a sense of the danger threatening him, as well as the rest of the Christian powers, now that the Turkish beast in coming to Europe, may, after devouring other princes, swallow him also. "If so (continued the Earl) king Francis may feel more inclined to listen to equitable terms and conditions on the part of Your Imperial Majesty, which terms and conditions he would never accept (the Earl remarked) were it not on consideration of the danger to which he exposes himself, or because he intends also to invade England in union with the Turk. At any rate, added the Earl, should such be their intention, both king Francis and the Grand Turk will find in the end that they have made a mistake." (fn. 23)
The day before yesterday (fn. 24) the admiral Fitz-William sent me word by one of my own secretaries, and yesterday the Lord Privy Seal confirmed the news, that this Queen had confessed having before her marriage to the King had connexion with Master Durem (Durham), who is now confined in the Tower, and that during three years of most intimate connexion there had been no question nor talk of a marriage between them. Besides that lately, upon investigation, it had been discovered that Master Colpeper, (fn. 25) of the King's bedchamber, who slept at the bottom of his bed, had received from her certain love-tokens, and met her twice privately within the last two months, each meeting lasting five to six hours, and that the intermediary agent for such love appointments was Lady Rochefort, the widow of the earl of that name, and brother of Anne, the King's concubine, who has likewise been sent to the Tower. And upon my asking the Lord Privy Seal how the King, his master, intended to treat the case, he answered that the King would bear the blow more patiently and compassionately than most people thought, nay, a good deal more tenderly than the Queen's own relatives, if it be true, as reported, that the duke of Norfolk has declared—God knows why—that he wishes the Queen to be burnt alive. I am not aware yet of her having been sent to the Tower; there is a talk of shutting her up in what was once a nunnery near Richmond, under the guard of four women and of some soldiers.
I hear also that Mme. [Anne de] Clèves has greatly rejoiced at the event, and that in order to be nearer the King she is coming to, if she is not already at, Richmond. I would not, for many considerations, touch in the least on the subject of Mme. de Clèves to the Lord Privy Seal, waiting until there be a better opportunity, and I myself may go to Court. The Princess (Mary), her brother (Edward), and all the other ladies of the Court have been sent to their respective homes.
The Lord Privy Seal told me that this king wished very much to know what number of men and ships Your Majesty had ready for the undertaking, and in what ports of the Low Countries the Imperial fleet might take refuge in case of need, in stress of weather, and so forth; and whether the king of Portugal had or had not sent some of his own ships to join. And upon my answering him with the communication of such intelligence as I myself possessed, the Earl said to me that this very morning the King, his master, had received certain news which was rather unfavorable for Your Imperial Majesty's present affairs; namely, that from the coast of Naples 80 Turkish sail had been seen going towards Algiers; but that he thought the news had been fabricated by the French.
This morning the Lord Privy Seal has sent me a message to the effect that this King has heard with pleasure what he and I had said respecting our common affairs, and that had he not been on the point of leaving town and spending five or six days in the country, for the purpose of relieving his mind from the annoyance and troubles caused by late events, he would certainly have sent for me, but that immediately after his return to Greenwich he will attend to business.—London, 19 November 1541.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph, partly ciphered. pp. 5.


1 "Pues segund la condicion de Su Beatitud[de] alargar los negocios y ser tardo en los resoluciones, era menester que quedaase á ello persona de tanta experiencia."
2 Da. Maria, the Infanta, born on the 21st of June 1528.
3 "A la barbe du dit sieur roy."
4 I need not observe that Granvelle's name is differently spelt by Chapuys, who sometimes calls him Grandvelle, and at others Grantvelle, as in the present despatch.
5 "Et pour la bonne bouche usant ung peu de la parfumerie dont les françois ont accoustume les repaistre."
6 On the 28th September, four days before his sailing from Genoa for his second African expedition, the Emperor sent Mr. de Granvelle to the Pope in order to refute the accusation of the murder of Fragoso and Rincon brought against him and his ministers, and request him to become the arbiter of his differences with Francis.
7 Yasus criados, qua esta ban hasta voynte en el castillo da Leon presos, yalgunos hombras de manera (marca?) entre ellos, que él los mandaria soltar á todos."
8 "Y tambien un lutherano, que me escribió el Secretario Juan Vazquez que venia en el bergantin preso."
9 "Llegado á Barcelona hallé al Lutherano preso en la Inquisicion."
10 That is the clerk or attaché to the French embassy in London, who procured him copies of the ambassador's correspondence. See above, p. 365.
11 "Premier Conseiller d'Etat et Garde Seal (sic) de Sa Majesté," are the words used; but what is meant by first or principal councillor of State is difficult to say. That he was in the first instance the Emperor's Secretary of State for Flanders, then Lord Privy Seal (Guarda Sellos), and ultimately Councillor of State in Spain cannot be doubted; but that Council had never an acknowledged president, being presided over by the King. Garma y Duran (Don Francisco Xavier de) in his Theatro Universal de España, Vol. IV., gives a list of all the councillors of State from 1526—probable date of its institution— down to 1746, and though he names all those of Charles V., he does not give the date of their nomination, and in some cases, like that of Granvelle, omits that of their death. His words (Vol. IV., p. 49) are: "Nicolao Perenoto, señor de Granvela, y de Beauxeu (Beaujeu?), baron de Aspremont, comendador de Zalamea en la Orden de Alcantara, y Guarda de los Sellos de S. M." However, as in the list of councillors, Granvelle is placed between D. Juan de Zuñiga, tutor and High Lord Chamberlain to Prince Philip, who died in 1546, and Don Juan Manuel Señor de Belmonte, knight of the Golden Fleece, who died in 1543, it may be concluded that Granvelle was appointed in 1541.
12 "Dois les caresmaux passes jescripviz a vre. mate."
13 "Ou que les moyens nestoient encores bien dresses, laffaire se sopira (s'assoupit?) et a dormy jusques au cinquieme de ce mois."
14 "Que lon presuppost estre pour linterroguer ou admonester de la part du Conseil, mais a ce que sembloit il ny exploicta grandement."
15 "Et tant et quant avoit este mise en la tour une demoiselle de la privee chambre que se nomme Fenelle."
16 Durham.
17 No letter of the 17th of October is among those at Simancas, and, therefore, it is to be presumed that it was intercepted. As early as Nov. 1536 Commander Valençuela had gone to Italy on a mission of the Emperor. See Vol. V., Part II., p. 294.
18 "Y aunque yo quisiera escusarme de continuar este cargo—no por falta de buena voluntad de servir á S. M. y á Madama en él, como debo, syno por los trabajos y peligros que han tenido, que ninguno se escapa de preso, muerto ó mal herido."
19 Vessumbrum must be an error for Frossombrone, of which Nicolas Andrighelli was bishop from the 29th of June to 1544, when he was created cardinal.
20 "Lo qual se ha differido siempre hasta agora por las dificultades que en esto haviamos apunctado al dicho Marques, y entre otras que no se creeria por el Papa ni otros que entendiessen la declaracion del dicho Marques que él hoviesse sabido el caso antes de la venida de V. Mt en Italie, y no aver avissado de ello á V. Mt y tambien que los franceses podrian decir que aunque el dicho marques hubiesse remitido al uno de los delincuentes la impunidad no lo devia guardar quanto á los otros, y demás desto que él no devia permitir sabiendo el dicho caso que se procediesse en justicia como se ha hecho."
21 Sir William Fitz-William, created earl of Southampton (Anton, Antona, Anthonne) in 1537, Lord Privy Seal in 1540–2.
22 "De la quelle response monstra le dit conte estre content, me priant de redict de la part du dit Sr roy ne le vouloir croyre autrement."
23 Que ne sera jamais, comme disoit le dit comte, nestoit pour le dit respect ou pour invahir ce royaulme, mais en tel cas lung et lautre seroit bien estonne a boult du compte davoir fait telle emprinse."
24 "Sire, avanthier menvoya dire par ung dez miens monsieur ladmiral, et hier le me confirma monsieur du Priveseel que ceste royne avoit confesse avoir eu affaire (á faire), avant quelle fust mariee, a ce mc Durem quest en la tourd, et que du moins en trois anneez quavoient dure leurs amours ylz avoient dormy ensemble passe huiltante nuytz sans que entre eulx y eust propoz ne parolle de mariage, et que dernierement avoit este sçeu comme mc."
25 "Colpeper gentilhomme de la chambre de ce roy, et son compagnon de lit avoit reçeu certains presens amoureulx delle et sestoit retrouve avecq elle en prive depuis deux mois en ça par lespace de cinq ou six heurez a la fois, et de ce estoit moyenne la vefve de Rochefort quest aussy misc en la tour.
Et demandant au dit Sieur Priveseel quesse (quest ce) que le dit Sa roy determinoit de faire en ca cas, yl me dict quil en useroit plus pacientement et misericordieusement que pluseurs pourroient penser, voire (oires?) plus que ne vouldroint lez propres parens delle, veuillant denotter monsieur de Norfolk, que dit, Dieu sçait pour quoy, quil vouldroit que la dite royne fust bruslee. Encoirez ne sçay je quelle soit menee a la tour, et si disoit on de la mettre en ung cloestre que fust jadiz de nonains auprez de Richemont soub la compagnie et garde de quatre femmes et quelques hommez. Lon me dist que celle de Cleves sest grandement ralegre de ce cas, et que pour estre plus voysine du dit sr roy elle doit venir a Richemont, si desja ny est."