June 1550, 16-30


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'Spain: June 1550, 16-30', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 10: 1550-1552 (1914), pp. 108-118. URL: Date accessed: 17 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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June 1550, 16–30

June 17. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 17.Jehan Scheyfve to the Emperor.
Sire: As I wrote to your Majesty on the 6th of the present month, the French commissioners and ambassadors held a long and protracted communication with the Council. I have sought to ascertain what may have been discussed and agreed. But I find the same difficulty that my predecessor did before me, as the means of gathering information are lacking. I understand that they negotiated with respect to a closer alliance which they are supposed to have agreed upon and concluded; the alliance to be defensive and offensive, the French excluding any understanding about religion, however. Moreover, the marriage between the King and the daughter of France, heretofore proposed by the Council, was brought forward and discussed. Nothing seems to have been settled respecting it.
M. de Fumel, a Frenchman, arrived here from Scotland a few days ago, and left again on the 11th of the present month. It was said that he carried news from Scotland, and that the King of France had sent him thither to persuade the Queen in the matter of the inclusion. (fn. 1)
The Marquis du Maine, son of the late M. de Guise, arrived here by the post on the 11th of this month. The next day, he and the Vidame were received at Greenwich by the King and his Council, who welcomed and entertained them for a good space of time. The French ambassador does not appear to have accompanied them. It is said that the Marquis brought with him the acceptance of and agreement to the peace and alliance (between France and England) where it concerned Scotland.
I have not heard that any ambassador or other envoy from Scotland is at court. The rumour I heard the other day, that an ambassador had arrived here from Scotland, referred to the said M. de Fumel.
People say that the peasants are rising and rioting again in the north. My Lord Privy Seal, the Admiral and the Lord Warden have been despatched each to his own quarter to keep them under and check them in their disobedience. A great number of staves, batons and ammunition of war have been sent to the various parts of the country for that purpose.
They say that Ireland is full of trouble and revolt, the country being divided by two parties, one faithful to the King, and the other seeking and straining after liberty. Those of the King's party have sent here for help and assistance. A few war-ships under my Lord Schellinger (sic), (fn. 2) who was formerly Governor in Ireland, are being sent; but I do not know if they may not be intended for a different purpose.
The seaman from Flushing, whom I referred to in my last letters, has received an order from the Council for the restitution of his vessels and goods. He is now engaged upon the matter. The Scottish captain and his men have been taken prisoners, but the Scottish warship has escaped with all on board, and when making off, as I hear, while still in English waters, captured and brought in another Dutch vessel. I cannot tell if she was warned or not. I heard of this his latest exploit two days ago.
Yesterday the peasants collected near Sittingbourne in the neighbourhood of Gravesend to the number of about ten thousand men, as I have heard, were to meet certain lords deputed by the King, among whom I have been told, was my Lord Grey. Some say their grievance is religion; others that it refers to the pacts and promises made to them before.
During the last five or six days several members of the Council have been to see the Bishop of Winchester in the Tower. Their object, I am told, is to try and induce him to submit and conform with religion according to the order and form of the Anglican Church. Unless he will do so, the King and Council will deal with him according to his demerits. His answer has been, that he would abide by his former declarations; and as to their threats, he would put his trust in God, Whose is power and truth. It is felt for certain that the Bishop of Winchester will be set free again to-day or to-morrow, although he has persisted in his opinions. Rumour has it that this piece of good luck has befallen him because of the Council (of Trent), which gives them cause for alarm.
It is said that the French have lately made an attempt to take the fort and bulwark of St. John near Guines by surprise, and that they were repulsed, and some killed.
Lodgings have been prepared for a Swedish ambassador, who has not yet arrived.
My Lord the Vidame's banquet was a brave and rich sight. Many lords of the Council and noblemen were present; among others the Duke of Somerset, once Protector, and the Marquis of Northampton. All those who were present showed great respect to the said Somerset. He seems to have recovered his health and to be reinstated in honour and pre-eminence. He showed me a good countenance and received me well; and enquired after your Majesty's health and your recent departure. My Lord Paget was not present, nor Warwick either, because of his indisposition, which they say prevents him from going often to the Council. The said Northampton's marchioness received at table a present from the Vidame, an enamelled chain worth about two hundred crowns. All the other ladies present, and the three daughters of the said Somerset, one of whom was the bride, received a present, each one according to her station. My Lord the Vidame took part in a masque, with fifteen or sixteen of the first noblemen, several being dressed in gold and silver cloth. The Duke of Suffolk was among them, dressed up as a nun. There were games, too, such as fireworks and throwing dolls (poupées). The whole entertainment is said to have cost him three or four thousand crowns. The other foreigners (i.e., Frenchmen) were not present at the banquet. It was said that they were attending some entertainment out of town, and that my Lord the Vidame was displeased because the King had shown so much favour to M. de Châtillon. The Vidame did not take particular notice of anyone except of the Duke of Somerset and the Marchioness (of Northampton). He showed himself often in their company, and talked to the said Marchioness through an interpreter, who was mostly my Lord Grey, once captain of Boulogne.
London, 17 June, 1550.
Signed. Cipher. French.
June 17. Brussels, E.A. 3681.Jehan Scheyfve to the Queen Dowager.
Madam: Last Tuesday, the 10th of this month, the Council sent their clerk Armiger to inform me that they were willing to enter into fresh negotiations with me on the customs, dues and oppressions, as I had requested them. As for time and place, they desired first to know your Majesty's pleasure, and ray opinion as to the number and quality of the commissioners. I told him that I would advise your Majesty; for I could not let it appear that you had already let me know you considered the matter might be treated by the commissioners who were to discuss the bulwark, seizures of ships and boundary questions, adding to them Councillor Noppenius, as I have heard from your Majesty's letters of the 13th, which I have received to-day, and will use as my guide.
Madam, I will do my best to find out the truth of the matters mentioned in your letters, and will report at once.
As for news, your Majesty will see such as there are in the duplicate of my letters to the Emperor.
London, 17 June, 1550.
Holograph. French. The last two sentences in cipher.
June 18. Brussels, L.A. 46.The Queen Dowager to Jehan Scheyfve.
We are advised that certain French, English and other pirates, joined with our enemies the Scots, and exercising piracy against our subjects of the Low Countries, are daily in the habit of taking refuge in England, Cornwall and Ireland, where they lurk in order to continue their exploits with greater convenience; which is not to be tolerated. We request and command you to complain of their doings to the King and Council of England, so that care may be taken to prevent Scots pirates and sea-robbers from being received and abetted in English, Cornish or Irish ports, and that, on the contrary, they may be dealt with in an exemplary manner.
Turnhout, 18 June, 1550.
Minute, French.
June 21. Brussels, E.A. 60.The Emperor to the Queen Dowager.
I have received the letters written by your hand on the 11th of this month, and am replying by that of a secretary, because I am fatigued by my journey. Your letters and those Duboys wrote to you on the 13th have told me of your plan for enabling the Princess Mary to retire from England. Since the illness of Van der Delft, of whose death I have since been apprised by private letters, has prevented him from conducting it, I approve of the decision you have arrived at on Duboys' letters, that M. d'Eecke should undertake the task, which I trust God, considering our righteous intentions, will crown with success. All your preparations appear to me most prudent, and I keenly desire to hear the results, which I pray you to let me know from time to time. For the rest I am continuing my journey, and came to-day from Mayence to this place. I have already sent M. de Chièvres to visit my niece the Duchess of Cleves, who, as the Duke has sent a gentleman to inform me, has been delivered of a daughter, and is doing well.
Oppenheim, 21 June, 1550.
Minute. French.
June 24. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 17.Jehan Scheyfve to the Queen Dowager.
Madam: I have been to see the Council, in order to be able to send a reply to your letters of the 13th and 14th. I repeated summarily what had been said the other day concerning the commercial convention; I persisted in my denunciation of non-observance on their side, and declared that the best course to adopt was to name commissioners for the purpose (of arranging the difficulty). There being commissioners now at Gravelines engaged in discussing other matters, I submitted that for the greater quiet and tranquillity of both Sovereigns and both peoples, the matter might be investigated and cleared up by them; this being also your Majesty's desire and request. They replied that they had always carried out the treaties of amity and the commercial conventions. They affirmed and reiterated that the King's Customs officials and tax-gatherers had exercised their office fairly, and had not done violence to the Emperor's subjects nor levied any tax unduly; that the truth of their contention had been illustrated at Bourbourg, and that no attenuations nor restrictions were conceived or put forth on that occasion, but that matters were left as they were before, no fault having been imputed to them. They added that some long time afterwards, my predecessor, now dead, and the President of Utrecht were sent here as commissioners to see and investigate the King's books, and had acquired the certainty that for the last hundred years the same taxes and dues had been levied that are exacted now. The Council had heard nothing further of the matter after the visit referred to above, and considered that no further communication on the subject was called for. Nevertheless, if your Majesty deemed the examination of the books to have been inadequately performed, you might appoint the said President to examine them again with me, or with other commissioners.
I replied that the arguments they advanced in answer to my protestations seemed very strange, because it was set forth in the written reply from the King's deputies to the complaints made on behalf of the Emperor, that several taxes had been reduced and others annulled by them. Some were still under discussion, this being the outcome of the negotiations at Bourbourg, as the Council had admitted the other day, merely denying the alleged facts (breaches). The Council moreover had added the remark that the King had issued an order that the restrictions and annulments should be observed. They replied that whether the decision of the deputies were as I described it or not, it was only in the form of recommendation or advice, subject to the King's good pleasure, and that he had not given his sanction. The prohibition referred to any dues or taxes over and above the usual ones. If the former members of the Council had given a different answer in word or writing, it had been done inadvertently, as they were ignorant of the business and of what had passed before. I replied that their answer in writing was an acknowledgment and an act of compliance given as the result of the deliberations (of the Conference at Bourbourg), and that the mention of the King's good pleasure was a mere formality dictated by reverence. At all events the said answer had proved and illustrated that the taxes and dues had been wrongly and unduly levied; and the Council ought not to retract and annul its former concessions and decisions, although some of the members of the present Council were not of the former one. I then repeated my request, and they persisted in opposing it. I told them finally that I perceived they were in no mind to enter into fresh communications. They referred again to the sending of commissioners here for the purpose set forth above. I replied that at least indirectly, their proposal discountenanced a communication, considering that your Majesty was not beholden to send commissioners here at the present juncture, but you might ascertain whether such a course were requisite and necessary and they could then send their registers to be examined at a proper time and place. They replied that the word “indirectly” was not a word to be used between princes. If I did not wish to transmit their offer to your Majesty, as by duty bound, they would charge their ambassador to do so; and they repeated this several times although I had said nothing beyond what is stated above. I replied that such words were in usage among princes (i.e., the word “indirectly”)—and the treaties were full of them. I would not fail to do my duty; but matters must be elucidated first, as I was aware of a sudden change in them. I led them on to a point at which they said that if your Majesty were not pleased to send commissioners over here to examine the books as stated above, they would depute commissioners to hold a communication on the commercial convention at a time and place to be decided later. Their commissioners now deputed to debate the other business (fn. 3) had no instructions nor proper qualifications to deal with the matter, and had a better understanding of fighting. I replied that on your Majesty's side too there were plenty of men made of such stuff; and that your Majesty had confidence in your rights. They then wished me to inform your Majesty of what had passed between us. They added that the King's subjects had complained of the harsh treatment meted out to them in Spain, where they were used as Turks,—this is the very word they used,—and they would give me further particulars later. I replied that I could not bring myself to believe it. It might well be that they came up against the law through their own fault, though I had no knowledge of the matter. But I would inform your Majesty of everything.
Concerning the special instructions in your Majesty's letters, I have made diligent and discreet inquiries to the best of my ability, and sent to several ports and harbours between Dover and Harwich to discover and ascertain as much as possible.
It was reported to me that there were 22 or 23 vessels of war, nine or ten of which were large ones, at Gillingham, a harbour not far from Rochester. The Great Harry is there, of a thousand tons; others being of only 500 or 600 tons. The remainder are about a hundred tons apiece, more or less, all well equipped and furnished with artillery, with good soldiers on board, and ready to put out to sea whenever they are wanted. These are the vessels employed by the King at Boulogne and in Scotland, and the same people are on them now, to the number of about two thousand men.
There are ten or twelve vessels between London and Gravesend, four of which are great ships, well-armed and well-equipped with five hundred men or thereabouts on each. The others have only a hundred or less. There are four or five galleons among them, besides the four great ships. Half the number at least are in readiness, the rest might be put in order in four or five days.
In the same place there are also three of the King's galleys, one being the galley taken from the French before Boulogne.
The messenger I sent to the said harbours declared that there was no further knowledge to be had of any ships of the Kings, either at sea or in any harbour, except four or five ships, with four or five hundred men on each, well armed and equipped, that are lying at Portsmouth and Southampton.
There is talk of the King equipping more ships. The sailors, soldiers and others seem to have no notion why their sovereign is keeping the said number of ships ready, except that there is a rumour abroad that the King is suspicious of the Emperor, and is anxious to guard well the coast and shores of his kingdom. Some say the troubles in Ireland account for it. But letters were received yesterday and the day before, making no mention of any revolt beyond the ordinary, though a different account had been received here.
The informant already referred to told me he had talked to a seaman at Sandwich who had held some post on the King's ship that is now under my Lord Warden (or now belongs to my Lord Warden). He told him that there were about a hundred Scottish vessels in various English ports, their intention being to undertake some exploit against the Emperor's subjects. A certain pirate named John Haverton, a Scottish vice-admiral, was in charge of them. The Scots did not desire peace with his Majesty; their intention was to get enough out of his subjects during the present year to make good all the costs and expenses of the last war with the English. The seaman had heard this from a Scottish pirate name John Green, who robbed the two vessels I wrote about in my letters of the 7th. (fn. 4)
One of Courtpennick's men was heard to say that the Emperor had some business on hand with his vessels, but that the King of England would see to it in good time.
Some say that the Emperor has ships ready to come across and fall upon the Scottish fleet sailing from Dieppe, that took one of his Majesty's vessels only the other day.
As for the six ships belonging to Scottish pirates that are supposed to be now in English waters or in some English harbour, it is certain that two Scottish ships, one of which carried about twenty to twenty-five people, and thirteen pieces of artillery, some of the pieces called basses, the rest small, all of which are characteristics of the said John Green, have been in English waters for the last ten or twelve days. The second ship has a crew of twelve or thirteen men. She lay off Leigh, (fn. 5) ten or twelve miles from Gravesend most of the time, whence the mouth of the Thames could be easily watched for vessels going in or out, and any Flemish vessel entering or leaving might easily be espied and overcome, and carried off to Leigh, Harwich or somewhere in the neighbourhood of Harwich. They could take refuge at Ipswich and Bras (sic), that are not harbours, and not reckoned as harbours, whither the people from Harwich and others repair to purchase prizes and plunder. I have heard that the smaller ship belongs to John Green too, or at least is sailing in his company. I have heard also that the Emperor's vessels chased the said Scottish ships and nearly captured one, on the day when the vessel from Flushing was taken; but she escaped, as the wind was with her. They do not put out to sea, but go from harbour to harbour along the coast, as I have said above.
The inhabitants of the harbours say that they have an understanding with the Scottish pirates, and that it is well known that half the men on them are English. The Scots come forth and show themselves when the boat that carries the plunder is in any port or harbour, to avert suspicion. The King's officers purchase the prizes; and notably the Bailiff of the said Leigh, as I complained to the Council on the last occasion, when I demanded that the vessel from Dordrecht should be returned. The capture was notoriously made as I have described above, and it seemed strange to me that Captain Green should be let out of prison, being a well-known pirate and found in possession of the stolen goods. I claimed that corporal (capital) punishment should have been inflicted on him and on the Scottish sailor who was still detained a prisoner. The Admiral replied that he would inquire into the matter and provide accordingly; he was not aware that the said captain had been set free. The master from Flushing had his vessel and his goods restored to him. I will do my best to insure restitution for the master from Dordrecht, but he has been guilty of some negligence. The two vessels referred to above left on the 10th or 11th of the present month for Scotland.
One of the Admiral's servants said that the Scotsman (Captain Green) bought a ship of war to carry a hundred or a hundred and fifty soldiers, which was at Calais, and, it was said, equipped and ready.
There are no rumours of depredations or robberies in the neighbourhood of Southampton and Portsmouth.
The other Scottish pirates that haunt the sea left for Scotland at the end of May, when the Emperor's vessels hove in sight, and have not returned since. They say they have gone round by the north, to avoid the Straits and because of the presence of his Majesty's vessels. They are gone to place themselves between Spain and Ireland.
In answer to M. d'Eecke's letters dated the 15th of the month, which I received on the twentieth, respecting the opinion held by some that the English are seeking the road to the Indies, I have not been able to ascertain anything. It is said that the King wishes to send two of his great ships to the East, but no one knows when. But it is evident, nevertheless, that they have something in their minds, whether against France or Scotland or elsewhere I do not know; because they still detain the pilot Cabot although his Majesty has sent for him several times, and they have lately set free a young Frenchman called Ribault, who was in the King of England's service before, and is by all accounts a good navigator and expert pilot.
Some say, moreover, that the King intended to send a few ships towards Ireland by the northern route, to discover some island which is said to be rich in gold. This seems strange; and, as I hear, the rumour has been current for six months or so.
As to the eight thousand foot soldiers, it is held for certain here that the King has set aside four thousand Englishmen and four hundred horse to accompany him as his body guard when he starts on his progress through the country. They are to be sent towards Ireland and to embark as soon as possible for greater security. I have not heard that there are any of the King's ships now in that quarter.
I sent a messenger to Dover expressly to ascertain whether any soldiers or artillery had crossed to Calais. But I heard that none had crossed. Yesterday some two hundred soldiers from Calais or the neighbourhood came to Dover. They say the King is putting them in camp.
It is rumoured that there are a thousand soldiers at Calais and in the neighbourhood. The English do not trust the French at all in that quarter, and the town is being still better ammunitioned and fortified.
As for the peasants, about ten thousand gathered at Sittingbourne in Kent on the 6th of this month. The Constable of Sittingbourne, who had in custody certain highway robbers he had caught, was to take them to the Lord Warden by order of the King. Two were taken and pardoned. A proclamation was then published setting forth that the King appointed the said Lord Warden his lieutenant, to scour the said county of Kent. Another proclamation to the same effect was to have been made yesterday at Maidstone. Two rebellious peasants who were taken prisoners last year were pardoned and set free; and a third who began to murmur and make certain speeches was incontinently seized and had his ears cut off. The Lord Warden had about a thousand horse with him, all belonging to the nobility. They are keeping to their houses in that part of the country; so it is unlikely that the peasants will show themselves, as they have no weapons at home and are unable to hold communication together or assemble more than ten together.
It is said that the King has given the castle on the island of Sheppey to the Lord Warden, who will thus hold a seat on the sea opposite to coast of Kent, and keep four thousand followers there with him.
I have been told that the peasants in the North and West are determined to rise in rebellion, and boast of it. But they dare not do it, because matters are on the same footing there, as I have just described. Nevertheless I hear that order is not so very well-established, because of the general situation and because the authorities are afraid of what may happen in Kent. The peasants allege that the promises made to them have not been fulfilled; that the gentry seize their lands, or at any rate the lands that used to provide them with means of livelihood; that they have doubled the price of land and made them pay rent for last year, when the soil was not cultivated, so that many are dying of want. Four hundred foot soldiers lately returned from Scotland have been here for three or four days past; they are being dismissed, and some Italian horse, too.
The Bishop of Winchester is not set at liberty yet. They say he is under a fresh warrant of arrest, and that my Lord of Warwick is the cause of it, because the Bishop would not sign a certain paper with the others to gain his liberty.
The Bishop of London recently published certain ordinances in his diocese explaining the ordinances previously published on the point of the Holy Sacrament. I am sending a copy to your Majesty.
My Lord (sic) Chamberlain (Sir Thomas Chamberlain) is nominated ambassador and deputed to reside at your Majesty's court. I believe he is to leave to-morrow.
On the ninth of the month a water-pageant was held at Greenwich. Four or five boats took a certain castle, and the King was very much pleased and amused by it. They say he has a natural liking and taste for all sorts of warlike sports.
Madam, in obedience to your orders, I have sent a duplicate account of these events relating to the English and Scottish vessels to MM. Van Buren and d'Eecke I have addressed the packet to Bruges as M. d'Eecke has written to me to do.
Madam, after the present letter was written, I received your Majesty's letters of the 18th of the present month. I will conduct myself accordingly.
London, 24 June, 1550.
Cipher. Signed. French.
June 25. Brussels, E.A. 60.The Emperor to the Queen Dowager.
I received your letters of the 21st instant yesterday in this place, and with them those from our cousin, the Princess Mary, to the late Ambassador Van der Delft, as well as the report drawn up by Duboys on the manner in which they, with your and M. de Praet's advice, intend to assist our cousin to retire from England. It all seems to me very well, provided that no mistakes are made by trying to reckon the thing too exactly from day to day, as if the sea were a fixed and invariable factor, permitting such undertakings as may be carried out on land. They will do well to remember this, as I believe they will not fail to do, and seize such opportunity as the sea offers, being careful to let none pass; for the enterprise cannot be carried out without some danger. There are endless reasons why they should hurry; principally in order not to let the thing leak out before they make their attempt. As for disguising our cousin, I will leave that to those in charge, who will better be able to judge. But no disguise need be used as to whether or not I knew of the undertaking, and it will be better to be quite open about it, as we decided before my departure, for we have the best of reasons, and have already done all we could to protect our cousin's person and conscience, neglecting nothing that might have helped, and holding back as long as possible from this extreme measure, which it has now become imperative to resort to because of the attitude adopted in England. And if it comes out that M. d'Eecke's ships are going in that direction, the pretext adopted of pursuing Scots pirates still holds good; for negotiations with the Scots have not yet begun, and it is no new thing to continue hostilities until peace has been concluded, as the Scots ambassadors are not coming with a truce already agreed to, but under safe-conduct. Only I do not like the second part of the pretext stated in the report, that my ships were to act against either Scotland or Denmark. For if that is repeated in Denmark, with what the Duke of Holstein, who is here, has heard about my having sent the Bishop of Arras from Worms to the Elector Palatine and my niece, and their visit to me here, where they have this day dined with the Prince my son, all of which the Duke of Holstein is sure to report, the King of Denmark may begin to suspect that I intend to move against him. I have therefore sent the Bishop of Arras to the said Duke, dexterously to rid him of all doubts. If the rumour circulates in the Low Countries, you will do well to stifle it, and make it clear that only the Scots are to be attacked. We must hope that God will give the undertaking success before the Scots ambassadors arrive at your court, or at any rate that my ships will be at sea by that time. And the illusion would be all the more complete if you were to recall the ships at the Scotsmen's request; for you would be able to do so though leaving the ships time enough to do what they set out to accomplish.
The Elector is fairly well, as also my neice. I left him determined to come to Augsburg for this Diet, and I omitted not to drop a hint to both of them about observing the old religion.
(The letter ends with a paragraph about Andrea Doria's exploits against Dragut Reis.)
Spires, 25 June, 1550.
Minute. French.
June 27. Vienna, Imp. Arch. F. 29.Simon Renard to the Emperor.
(Extract from a long letter containing an account of the steps taken by the ambassador to obtain redress for damage done to the Emperor's shipping by the Scots.)
I have been told in general terms that the Council (of Trent) will provide an easy excuse for making the English join with France, the Kings of Denmark, Poland, and Sweden, and with other princes and towns of Germany against your Majesty. As to the Venetians, they will follow the King's lead entirely in the matter of the Council.
The English ambassador, Mason, is as free to observe the new religion here as he was in England.
The King of England is sending Pietro Vannes, (fn. 6) a Lucchese living in England, to Venice as his resident ambassador. The King (of France) is sending M. de Selve, who used to be ambassador in England, to Venice, as his ambassador there . . .
(News from the Turk, etc.)
Poissy, 27 June, 1550.
Cipher. Signed. French.


1 i.e. the inclusion of the Scots in the peace between France and England.
2 Sir Anthony St. Leger; also spelt Sentleger and Selynger.
3 At Gravelines
4 The letter referred to is really dated the 6th of June; and a Scots pirate called James Green of Dundee is mentioned in d'Eecke's letter of 17th July, q.v.
5 Lythauve in the original, “ten or twelve miles from Gravesend.” It seems unlikely that this can refer to Erith, which would be too near London for a safe resort for pirates. The only alternative seems to be a small place called Leigh, on the Essex shore of the mouth of the Thames. Herlbetz is certainly Harwich; I have often seen it so spelt in papers of this period. Estwytz appears to be Ipswich; but for Bras I have no suggestion to offer.
6 Ex-collector of the papal taxes in England, and Latin secretary to Wolsey, King Henry VIII and King Edward VI in succession. He was confirmed in his post by Mary.