Venice
January 1619, 21-25

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Institute of Historical Research

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Allen B. Hinds (editor)

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1909

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436-456

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'Venice: January 1619, 21-25', Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 15: 1617-1619 (1909), pp. 436-456. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88696 Date accessed: 02 September 2014.


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January 1619

Jan. 21.
Collegio,
Secreta.
Esposizioni
Principi,
Venetian
Archives.
699. The English Ambassador came into the Cabinet with the Duke of Holstein, who sat on the left side near his Serenity. The Ambassador said:
I have come this morning to fulfil reiterated instructions from my king in recommending this prince who is offering his services. The duke is the son of the King of Denmark's uncle. He is allied in kin to all the princes of Germany, which makes it easier for him to carry out his good intentions. He came with the regiment of the late Count Ernest of Nassau, where he served as captain of a company. He served with this company in Friuli for over four months. He then resigned and served as a volunteer. Afterwards there followed the treaty of Gradisca and peace with Bohemia, which encouraged him to explain his aspirations to your Serenity. Meanwhile he fell seriously ill; on his recovery he informed me of his intention to visit the united princes of Germany, his relations, to arrange about the levies. I recommended this idea, and he left and was most courteously received everywhere. The Elector Palatine showed him great honour and gave him a letter in reply to mine, which I have translated into Italian. I will not speak of the duke's personal qualifications, to spare his modesty, but I may say that he has proved himself an admirable soldier; he has also learned the language and can speak for himself.
The duke thereupon saluted the doge and said: I have served the republic for ten months. The peace of Friuli gave me the opportunity of visiting the united princes of Germany, whom I found as well disposed towards your Serenity as could be desired. They have given me letters which will help me in my purpose of serving the republic.
The doge replied, thanking the ambassador and the duke also for his offer, and he referred the matter to the Savii.
The ambassador then spoke of Sir Henry Mainwaring (il Cavalier Magnarini), asking for a speedy decision. He has offered ships and the documents he has presented show his devotion to the republic and his skill at sea. If the manner in which he acquired this skill was not altogether worthy, yet it was very excusable and straightforward. Many years ago he undertook to go with three ships to the Indies. The Spanish ambassador prevented this, and he went off in disgust with a number of vessels and very soon found himself master of thirty or forty ships which he had taken, mostly at the expense of the Spaniards. If you mistrust his faith, a number of the lords at Court would promise for him, although there should be no doubt as the king has interposed and sent a gentleman to your ambassador to recommend him.
The doge replied: This affair is now in the hands of the Signory, who will soon decide. I believe the gentlemen will be satisfied. Your Excellency shall be informed.
The ambassador said there was an English lord of high birth without, who had come to see the city. Lords in England were like princes at other courts. He was introduced at the ambassador's request and very courteously received by the doge. After this they took leave.
Sig. Ambassador,
Your letter of the 10th inst. has been delivered by Duke Joachim Ernest of Holstein. I thank you for your courtesy and am delighted to hear of the good inclination of the republic towards the United Princes. I will lose no opportunity of improving those good relations. I will also communicate with the other princes and above all with the King of Great Britain, to whom I am about to send the Baron Christopher von Dohna. Meanwhile I beg you to assure the republic of my esteem and friendship.
Heidelberg, the 24th November, 1618.
FREDERICK, Elector Palatine.
Most Serene Prince,
I have already shown my devotion to the republic, and I wish to do more. I offer my services with 2,000 foot for any time that your Serenity may desire.
Your most devoted servant,
JOACHIM ERNEST, Duke of Holstein.
To the Doge of Venice.
Recommendation of the Duke Joachim Ernest of Holstein, who wishes to offer his services to the republic.
Heidelberg, the 29th November, 1618.ELIZABETH.
[French.]
To the Doge of Venice.
Recommendation of Duke Joachim Ernest of Holstein, who wishes to offer his services to the republic.
Dated at Heidelberg on the last day of November, 1618.
[Latin.]FREDERICK, Count Palatine.
To the Doge of Venice.
Recommendation of the same Duke Joachim Ernest of Holstein.
Dated at Stuttgart, the 12th December, 1618.
[Latin.]JOHN FREDERICK, Duke of Wirtemberg.
Jan. 22.
Senato,
Secreta,
Dispacci,
Francia.
Venetian
Archives.
700. ANZOLO CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I have been to see the Cardinal of Savoy, to congratulate him upon the conclusion of the marriage. He replied very courteously and said it would prove a check upon the Spaniards. I said I hoped that the reconciliation between the French and English crowns would be accomplished in an equally happy manner, seeing that the negotiations had been carried out by the cardinal and his ministers with the authority and interposition of the duke, his father. I said this was strongly desired by the republic because good relations and friendship between these two crowns were as much to the advantage of the common interests as they were disliked by others who had different objects. Accordingly I said: If your Highness thinks that by any action of mine, which I know would please my masters, I could assist in this reconciliation, I hope you will tell me your opinion frankly and I will do what I can. The cardinal replied: I am sure that your Excellency's offices would be of service, as showing the desire of the most serene republic for this reconciliation to take place. The affair has not been begun here yet, as Gabaleoni is sick, the negotiations being left in his hands as the ambassador appointed for England. Nothing else is known except that Wake, who has returned from Turin to England, writes from there that his king is favourably disposed. The most Christian king is well disposed also, so it is hoped that the affair may take a good turn. I told the cardinal that I would do as he recommended (but I would not say a word without hearing from your Serenity and receiving your opinion) and so I took leave.
Very early on the following morning the cardinal's secretary came to see me to say that on the previous day his Highness had forgotten to tell me that, apropos of the negotiations with England, they were expecting a reply from Biondi in London, and as soon as it arrives they would let me know; that therefore it would be better for me to postpone my representations, as after receiving the reply the cardinal and I could act together with more weight. I replied that I had no intention of doing otherwise and I would wait to hear from his Highness, since the republic desired nothing further in this matter beyond the satisfaction of a happy result. But I know full well that this has all been arranged by Verua, either to await the good pleasure of the duke, or to prevent your Serenity from mixing in the matter so that you may not share the credit of its success. Possibly also he hopes, when recovered from his sickness, that he will be the one to come and tell me what I must do, as my chief, and direct the entire negotiations. Whatever the reason, time will clear up the mystery.
Paris, the 22nd January, 1619,
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Jan. 23.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Spagna.
Venetian
Archives.
701. PIERO GRITTI, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The negotiations for the marriage with England are said to be carried on more energetically. His Majesty has deputed some theologians to discuss the difficulties which might stand in the way of this union on the score of religion. They meet frequently, the Spanish ambassador who was resident in London taking part, as he is strongly in favour of this alliance.
Madrid, the 22nd January, 1618. [m.v.]
[Italian.]
Jan. 23.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Milano.
Venetian
Archives.
702. ANTONIO MARIA VINCENTI, Venetian Secretary at Milan, to the DOGE and SENATE.
News has arived here of the favourable progress of the negotiations for an accommodation of the differences between France and England, and of the warm reception given at Paris to the English agent resident at Turin, with good hope of a better feeling growing up between the two sovereigns. The Spaniards are the less pleased with all this because they hear that it has been brought about by the Duke of Savoy, and they greatly fear that it will serve his Highness with an opportunity to open negotiations with England for a marriage; I have previously informed your Excellencies of their fear of this eventuality.
Milan, the 23rd January, 1618. [m.v.]
[Italian.]
Jan. 24.
Senato,
Secreta,
Diliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
703. That the English Ambassador be summoned to the Cabinet and the following read him:
We rejoice at the news of the happy delivery of his Majesty's daughter, (fn. 1) we thank you for imparting the news, and beg you to convey to her our congratulations and respects.
We desire our ambassadors to serve his Majesty and to cultivate the friendship which we enjoy, and to that end all our efforts are directed. The Ambassador Donato in his progress from his home to that Court will endeavour to give satisfaction to his Majesty and carry out our instructions.
As regards Colonel Peyton, the question lies in the phrasing of the contract, to which we must refer. The contentious point consists in the differences in values. This might chance to be unfavourable to the republic as well as to the soldiers. We cannot show him that partiality which we should desire to because the precedent would lead to grave disturbances and would seriously affect the public interests. Your Excellency will understand that it is just and reasonable for us to stand upon the contract.
The republic values very highly the qualities of Sir [Henry] Mainwaring, and what we hear increases that feeling. He has given some data to the Cavalier Foscarini which require consideration. We will consider them as soon as possible in order that we may come to a speedy decision.
That copies of the present reply and the exposition be sent to the ambassador for his information.
Ayes139.
Noes0.
Neutral3.
[Italian.]
Jan. 24.
Senato,
Secreta,
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
704. ANTONIO DONATO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Besides what I said to the king at the Court masque, I earnestly besought his Majesty either to permit me to follow him when I left or to hear me in what I had to say to him, as instructed in the letters of the 22nd ult. His Majesty sent the Secretary Naunton to me to tell me to state to him what I had to say, because he had no time to see me before his departure, and that as regards following his hunting he begged me not to take away the liberty which his Majesty enjoyed in inconvenient places, with two or three favourites only. Accordingly I told the secretary how matters stood at sea with the Spaniards, their most extensive preparations, the restitution made by your Serenity, the doubtfulness of recovering the galeasses, the property or anything else from Ossuna; the dissatisfaction of your Excellencies because the Spaniards were obtaining from the realm the means to attack the most serene republic, the reasonableness of stopping this, the necessity in short that the king for the sake of his glory and greatness and for the sake of friendship, ought to resolve to do something to relieve the republic. I went on to speak of the desires and prayers of your Excellencies for the re-establishment of friendship with France. I did my utmost to impress and inform the secretary. He heard me with attention and made me repeat things over, so as to be sure what to report to the king. But as he is new to affairs, utterly ignorant of foreign affairs and gained his position by the use of money for selfish reasons only, (fn. 2) I was not satisfied with trusting to his report. Accordingly I determined to write down succinctly and cautiously the advices and inducements which I thought necessary for his Majesty, and sent them by the hand of this same secretary. I am awaiting the reply.
This thing only the secretary told me, that it was true the Spanish agent had brought a ship and a hundred pieces of ordnance, and he had licence for a hundred more, but he assured me that they were all to be employed against the Turks.
Since then the agent resident at Turin for his Majesty has been to see me. In the king's name he told me that Gabaleoni, the ambassador designated by the Duke of Savoy for the reconciliation with France, had fallen sick, and no further movement was heard of from that quarter. The king, however, had been impressed by the honours awarded to his minister when passing through Paris, and had decided to write and thank MM. de Bethune and Modenè. He asked me to send this letter to France and add what I thought best for completing the affair. He left me a copy of the letter which he said had been dictated by the king himself and urged me to write to Bethune pressing him to endeavour to bring about a satisfactory conclusion. Accordingly in conformity with the command of your Serenity and knowing how necessary it is to remove any occasion for them to say here that we are suspicious of France, I wrote a letter to the Ambassador Contarini at Paris and to M. de Bethune, of which I enclose a copy, namely that ambassadors should be appointed on both sides and that every shadow of mistrust should be removed, without making any references to past affairs. To the ambassador I wrote in addition that he should approach the Cardinal of Savoy and appear more anxious for the securing of this benefit than greedy of obtaining glory from it. I got the Savoyard agent to write to the same effect, and sent the letters by an express messenger, so that if this diligence does not bring about the conclusion it may at least give life to the negotiations. Your Excellency will better understand the manner in which these are being conducted from the enclosed letters of his Majesty's agent. If his Majesty is satisfied with the part I have taken he should make some reply about the interests of your Serenity, namely, by the severest prohibition preventing the Spaniards from taking arms of any kind from this kingdom and powerful representations to induce them to desist from such injuries, with the effective armament of his royal ships through the merchants who offer to arm them and keep them armed, that is to say, ready to help your Serenity.
London, the 24th January, 1618. [M.V.]
[Italian.]
Enclosed
in the
preceding
despatch.
705. Copy of letter from Donato to the Ambassador Contarini at Paris.
By letters of the Senate of the 22nd ult. I am instructed to do my utmost to remove the disputes between the two crowns. I could do nothing before because I did not wish to interfere with the operations of the Savoyard ministers. But as the coming of Gabaleoni is delayed and they make no sign of movement, his Majesty has decided to write the enclosed letter to MM. Bethune and Modenè, which I ask you to deliver. You will render all the assistance that you can. I am sending this post.
Biondi, the agent of Savoy, is also writing to the Cardinal Prince sending him a copy of the Agent Wake's letter to Bethune and Modenè. You will give the letter to his Highness and will do well, I think, to approach him, acting rather as an intermediary than a principal, so that the duke may have the glory. Your Excellency will afford the utmost satisfaction to Venice if you are successful.
London, the 20th January, 1618. [M.V.]
If you consult the Count of Verua and confide the affair to him as the work of his hands you will quickly finish it.
[Italian.]
Enclosed
in the
preceding
despatch.
706. Copy of letter of Donato to M. Bethune at Paris.
If this finds you at Court you may be the means of bringing about a reconciliation between the two crowns. You will see what the Agent Wake writes about the honours accorded to him. You will also perceive the excellent disposition of the king. As Gabaleoni has not appeared, and as his Majesty has not allowed the agent of Savoy here to do more, his Majesty and the ministers hope to arrange everything by letters and by appointing ambassadors on both sides. I need not point out the advantages of a good understanding between the two crowns or the dangers of mistrust. I need only say that the excellent disposition of the king here, the remarkable inclination of the prince towards his Most Christian Majesty, the trade between the countries, the nearness of the sea ports, general reasons of policy, the prudence of the government and the groundlessness of the differences all advise a speedy decision. If ambassadors are appointed all will go well. I shall await a reply from your Excellency, and shall be glad of the smallest share in the honour of this settlement that you can give me. May God preserve you for many years.
London, the 21st January, 1618. [M.V.]
[Italian.]
Enclosed
in the
preceding
despatch.
707. Copy of letter from the English agent Wake to M. de Bethune.
I have not sent before because we were expecting M. Gabaleoni. We now hear that he cannot leave Paris, so I will wait no longer to thank you for the honours and favours accorded to me when I passed through Paris, all of which my king values as his own. When I reached England I found his Majesty some distance from London and full of important affairs, accordingly I could not keep my promise so soon as I wished. But when at length I saw him at Royston I gave him a faithful account of the honours I had received and of the assurances I heard of the friendliness of his Most Christian Majesty towards him. I found his Majesty as gracious as ever, with the kindness which has so frequently led him to pass over reasons for taking offence. I may frankly say that he was annoyed at the dismissal of M. de Mayerne from Paris and with some of the proceedings of M. le Clerc and by some words said by a leading minister to M. Becher which I underline. France is in such a favourable condition that the king need not feel anxious about the friendship of anyone soever whom he does not consider to be devoted to him. These things led the best king in the world to fear that some ministers not too well disposed to the public welfare had gained some influence with his Most Christian Majesty, and were trying to alienate two excellent friends or at least to chill their friendship. However, I have made his Majesty aware of the feelings of the Most Christian, and I hope that when M. Gabaleoni arrives or some one else the disputes will soon be settled. My king will always follow his own precepts and after advising peace to all the world will observe it punctiliously on his part, provided his patience and good nature are not too severely tried.
London, the 21st January, 1618. [O.S.]
The like to M. de Modenè.
[Italian.]
Jan. 24.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
708. ANTONIO DONATO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
After awaiting for several days the convenience of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who is exceedingly busy and in the Council and other matters has at present the whole weight of the business of the kingdom, I met him last Sunday and made him the same communication which I had given to the Secretary Naunton, reported in my last. I read and left with him the paper written to the king and urged him strongly by considerations of prudence and justice. The archbishop, who is a trustworthy person (soggetto confidente), and who professes the greatest friendship towards the most serene republic, made the following remarks to me in Latin. The preparations of the Spaniards were only too true and all should fear them. His king would do well to look more sharply after them because prosperity finally terminates in pain. He knows they are thinking of shutting the seaports of Italy, as they do not wish any more infantry and auxiliaries to pass as they did to your Serenity. They have designs against Ragusa or some other position; he had this from a sate quarter, and I might say Canterbury had told me. They swear and protest to the king that all their forces will be directed against the Turks and pirates and the ocean shall be delivered from robbers, commerce will have free course and the wealth and greatness of this kingdom will be the better assured. But he feared it was all lies, and he also feared that the French were at one with the Spaniards in these disturbances.
I then said to him: If we are to succumb, will his Majesty permit it ? If the republic is subdued and Italy loses her liberty, in what danger Europe will stand. That is true, said the archbishop, the question is a big one and demands big remedies. I will tell you two things, Venetian ambassador, but under pledge of silence. You know that we are now negotiating to renew the league with the princes of Germany and an ambassador is here from them and the Palatine for this purpose. We wish to comprise therein the affairs of Italy and allow any one who wishes to enter. Accordingly there will be no mention of the reformed religion in order not to give offence to any one. When we have established this league, which is being renewed in more precise and exact terms, and you shall know them, the States will enter and we believe that the republic and Savoy will like to do the same. Thus we shall have the means, the assurance and the obligation to help you. An important point, I can assure you that the commissioners of the States have sworn to the king that they do not wish for peace with Spain on any terms and that when the truce has expired, which they respect owing to the interests of France therein, they will come out with large fleets and make a resolute attempt to deliver themselves from these evils. The other thing is that the king is sending some one especially to Germany and the truth will appear of what its Palatine, his son-in-law, makes him say, that his Majesty has determined to help the Bohemians and promises for all May to find 200,000 crowns for them. These matters concern you very much and in time you will hear them from the king's lips, but for the time being I recommend silence.
I replied that everything done by his Majesty for the liberty of Europe would be worthy of his greatness, but your Serenity at present had war at your doors and saw still larger clouds appearing. You needed speedy and effective assistance, not hopes. Leagues are tardy, slow and uncertain things. To arm his Majesty's ships, send them out of port, display his flag at sea, not against anyone (for I would not venture to ask so much, though it would be most just), but for defence with the vigilance becoming a great king, as a protection to his friends and servants, would confer a real benefit upon your Excellencies. Arm the ships and let the king speak against the Spaniards with words that portend deeds, and the republic will reap the harvest she deserves from her esteem and loyalty, her love and confidence. Meanwhile let them forbid the Spaniards from taking arms and ships from this kingdom, which is the height of injustice since they are to attack a power so friendly to England. The archbishop said: Agreed. Leave me this paper which you have sent to the king and I will not fail to help you. I am not a Spaniard, I love and highly esteem the republic and will certainly help her all I can. I asked his Grace how he knew that the Spaniards wished to close the seaports of Italy and how they could do it. He told me that de Dominis, whom he called the Archbishop of Spalato, had shown him letters from his country in great confidence and he had afterwards learned from some Frenchmen who had come from Venice that the Spaniards would enter Albania, Ragusa or the great fortress of the republic, I think he meant Corfu.
I will await the resolutions of the king and will report them to your Serenity, finding that I have fulfilled all your commissions in your letters of the 22nd ult., because no one has opened his mouth on the question of the death of the Englishmen in your Serenity's fleet, and I thought it wise not to reopen an old sore which has been forgotten.
I fear from appearances here that they will resolve upon nothing, and by offering a league as they have so often done, wish to bind others without binding themselves, or with little idea of carrying it into effect because the king will desire to serve as an ornament and be the chief of a great union in Europe but will have no other trouble beyond listening to the circumstances and accidents thereof; God grant that I may be wrong and that your Serenity may have no need of it.
The Dutch commissioners, having overcome many difficulties in their affairs will now treat with five delegates of the king and they are in good hope of coming to an understanding. I will send word in good time and hope by the brevity of my later letters to make up for the tediousness of this.
London, the 24th January, 1618. [M.V.]
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Jan. 24.
Consiglio de' X.
Parti Secrete.
Venetian Archives.
709. In the Council of Ten.
That a secretary of this Council read the following to the Savii of the Cabinet, leaving a copy with them, so that they may show it to the one who, by the decree of the Senate, is to write in defence of the republic with regard to the plots against her.
The Duke of Ossuna, in addition to his conspiracy against this city, about last April hired a galleon, armed it and sent it out privateering with brigantines or passavolanti under the command of Captain Robert Iliotti, an Englishman, who by sounding has made himself familiar with all our ports in Istria, giving them very important secret orders. Upon these brigantines were four mortars, presumably for use against this city. They made a great deal of booty below the mount of Ancona, to the tune of about 60,000 ducats. The galleon proceeded to Trieste and delivered letters from Ossuna to the King of Bohemia containing proposals most prejudicial to the republic.
Ayes16.
Noes0.
Neutral0.
[Italian.]
Jan. 25.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Verona.
Venetian
Archives.
710. The RECTORS of VERONA to the DOGE and SENATE.
Enclose a sheet of the books which the Father inquisitor here says that he has orders from Rome to prohibit. Ask for instructions as to what is to be done in the matter.
Verona, the 25th January, 1619.
[Italian.]
Enclosed in
the preceding
despatch.
711. List of prohibited books (selection from).
Gravissimae Quaestionis de Christianarum Ecclesiarum, in Occidentis praesertim partibus, ab Apostolicis temporibus ad nostram usque aetatem continua successione et statu, historia explicatio, Auctore Jacobo Ussero Sacrae Theologiae in Dublinensi Academia apud Hybernos professore. (fn. 3)
Mercurii Gallobelgici Sleidano succenturiati sive rerum in Gallia et Belgio potissimum, Hispania quoque, Italia, Anglia, Germania, Ungaria, Transilvania, vicinisque locis ab anno 1555 usque ad annum 1570 gestarum Historica narrationis continuata, Auctore M. Gotardo Arthusio Dantiscano.
Rogerii Vuiddringtoni Catholici Angli, ad S.D. Paulum V. Pontificem Max. humilis supplicatio. (fn. 4)
Libellus cui titulus est Marcus Antonius de Dominis Archiepiscopus Spalatensis, suae profectionis consilium exponat. In quo complures propositiones formaliter hereticae, erronae, schmisticae, sapientes haeresim, blasphemae, scandalosae et contumeliosae in Ecclesiam Catholicam Romanam respective continentur.
"Et quia in prefatio etiam libello Auctor ait opus quoddam de Republica Christiana se brevi editurum quod decem libris complecteretur, et singulorum librorum materiam quam in eas tractat proponit; in quo se docere expresse asserit plures propositiones quae cum manifeste hereticae sint. Ideo predictum quoque opus, ubique et quovis idiomate sive jam impressum sive imprimendum presenti Decreto prohibetur.
Supplication et Requeste a l'Empereur, aux Rois, Princes, Estats, Republiques et magistrats Chrestiens sur les causes d'assembler un Concile general contre Paul Cinquiesme, dressée par Nicol de Morbais.
Liber cui titulus, Deus et Rex. Londini impressus, 1615.
Papatus Romanus, Liber de origine, progressu atque extinctione ipsius. Londini ex officina Hortoniana apud Johannum Bellium, 1617.
Et licet etiam alias dictae Congregationis Decreto, prohibitum fuerit opus de Republica Ecclesiastica sive tunc impressum sive imprimendum Marci Antonii de Dominis. Tamen quia nuper ejus prima pars in lucem prodiit, quatuor libros continens quamplurimis heresibus, erroribus atque calumniis referta. Ideo denuo quoque hujusmodi opus prohibetur, Cui titulus, De Republica ecclesiastica, libri decem, aucthore Marco Antonio de Dominis, Archiepiscopus Spalatensi.
Atque etiam prohibitus declaratur ejusdem Authoris Libellus in quo suae profectionis consilium exponit, sub alio titulo denuo impressus, videlicet Epistola Marci Antonii de Dominis Archie-piscopi Spalatensis Ad Episcopos Ecclesiae Christianae scripta, in qua causas discessus a suo Episcopatu exponit. Campidonii, 1617
Jan. 25.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
712. That the English Ambassador be summoned to the Cabinet and the following read to him:
Before answering the points raised by your Excellency at your last audience, we think it well to touch somewhat upon the present state of affairs, as we have done with his Majesty as a sign of our entire confidence. The non-observance of their promises by the Spaniards, the variations in the recent negotiations at Rome, joined to the preparations of the Spaniards everywhere, clearly show their evil designs. Thus they have never resolved to give up our galleys as they are bound to; they are making extensive naval preparations in Spain and are raising fresh troops in Naples, Germany and elsewhere, while as a blind they pretend they have other objects in view. In this state of affairs every prince must be on his guard, and we especially, because we hear that the Spaniards propose to send 18,000 to 20,000 infantry to King Ferdinand against the Bohemians through our Gulf, and thus attempt two great strokes at one time. The difficulties of obtaining heavy ships move us to pay special attention to the proposals of Sir [Henry] Mainwaring and to accede to his proposal to obtain four of the royal ships from his Majesty, if your Excellency will render assistance in this affair. From what we know of your disposition we believe that you will make very urgent representations in a matter of such importance, in an affair where you may win honour, and for which the republic will be most grateful.
With regard to the statement of your Excellency upon the favourable disposition of the Elector Palatine and the other united princes towards us we perceive your friendly hand and we thank you. We respond warmly to these sentiments; our interests are mutual and we wish them all prosperity. We will do everything to foster a good understanding with them.
It remains to add that the Duke of Holstein, for his noble birth, his high qualities and the services which he has rendered to us is most highly welcome. We will remember his offers to us and we shall certainly avail ourselves of them in case of need. We will ourselves tell the duke so much, while expressing the esteem of the republic for him.
Ayes147.
Noes0.
Neutral6.
[Italian.]
Jan. 25.
Senato,
Secreta.
Diliberazioni.
filze.
Venetian
Archives.
713. The MEMORIAL of HENRY MAYNWARING.
Most Serene Prince,
Last Christmas day the Secretary Lionello and Michielini another Italian gentleman who speaks English, came to see me and ask if I would accept a good appointment. I said: Yes. They asked me if I would oblige the Venetian republic by supplying particulars for the ordering of some ships already granted by his Majesty, that I should have the command of these and of others when I reached the Gulf of Venice, and that I should be satisfied with the terms. I asked if the need were pressing. They said that the matter required the utmost possible despatch. Accordingly on the following morning I searched the River Thames for suitable ships. Seeing that there were none suitable at the moment, I told Michielini of their nature. He said that these ships were to transport some companies of English and they were to have more ships from the Low Countries and they would have to be satisfied with the ships at present in the river.
On hearing this I advised them either to buy those ships altogether, or at least to furnish them themselves and not by the owners, with sailors and victuals. But they were dissuaded from this by the advice of others, possibly to their disadvantage.
Owing to my going up and down rumours got about that I was to command the fleet. When I asked your Serenity's ambassador about it, he replied that he had no authority to appoint a commander in chief, but he had informed the republic of my zeal and was awaiting the reply. This moved me to beg his Majesty to tell the ambassador his opinion of me in a few lines, but his Majesty, of his own accord, decided to honour me more and sent the Earl of Montgomery to tell the ambassador that as his Majesty had granted the ships asked for, he hoped that the republic would allow one of his subjects to command them, and suggested me as one fitted by long experience and offered to pledge his word for my good behaviour. The ambassador said that he had not sufficient authority, but he hoped that the republic would gratify his Majesty and promised to write. He persuaded me to come here by land, promising to write all these things to your Serenity and give you some idea of my personal expenses in the matter. At the time, the ambassador, though a man of the greatest diligence, judgment and temper, was much worried by his negotiations with our sailors, who are mostly a rough lot. These circumstances have led me to come to your Serenity. I should have come before but for the opposition of the Spanish ambassador. I now understand that the command of the ships has been entrusted to one of your nobles, therefore I only beg that in case you need further vessels from our ports your Serenity will employ me. Above all I ask your Serenity to decide quickly, as my personal affairs demand this.
HENRY MAYNWARING.
That the matter be referred to the Savii of both kinds.
Ayes4.
Noes0.
Neutral0.
That the Captain General at Sea give his opinion upon the above letter 1618, Jan. 2. [M.V.]
[Italian.]
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714. Considerations advanced by SIR HENRY MAYNWARING.
The three ships of 500 and 550 tons burthen are capable of carrying 20 culverins and 20 half culverins each, with 200 English sailors. They would defeat seven ships which were no stronger than those which went from England, even though manned by Englishmen. With other nations it would be easier. It is necessary to consider the difference between the great and the light galleys. I believe it is admitted that five light galleys carry the same armament as one large one, and yet they cannot encounter a large galley because it is easier to fight as all the force is concentrated in one unit. I will try to make my point clear to those who have little or no exprience. I begin with artillery. Everyone will admit that large pieces which fire heavy shot and burn more powder, produce a greater effect.
Below I have placed in a table the armament of each of the seven ships:—
The Royal Exchange, 28 pieces, that is 6 half culverins and 22 sakers and lesser pieces.
The Abigail, 26 pieces, that is 4 half culverins and 22 sakers and lesser pieces.
The Thomas Hercules, 22 pieces, that is 4 half culverins and 18 sakers and lesser pieces.
The Matthew, 24 pieces, that is 2 half culverins and 22 sakers and lesser pieces.
The Adam, 22 pieces, that is 2 half culverins and 20 sakers and lesser pieces.
The Centurion, 22 pieces, that is 2 half culverins and 20 sakers and lesser pieces.
The Dragon, 22 pieces, that is 2 half culverins and 20 sakers and lesser pieces.
A total of 166 pieces, comprising 22 half culverins and 144 sakers and lesser pieces. As they have about as many sakers as minions, I propose to allow 6 pounds of powder for each piece of ordnance.
The quantity for the half culverins at 9 pounds each 22 × 9=198 pounds.
The quantity for the sakers and minions at 6 pounds each, 144 × 6=864 pounds, making a total of 1,062 pounds of powder for the seven ships.
The artillery of the three ships of 500 to 550 tons burthen would be as follows:
In each ship 20 half culverins, 60 in all, and 9 pounds of powder each, gives 540 pounds, also twenty culverins on the lower deck, making sixty in all, at 15 pounds of powder each, gives 900 pounds, or 1,440 pounds of powder in all. Deduct 1,062, and this leaves 378, or a third less. Although there are three ships for seven, and they carry 120 pieces instead of 166, yet they are one third stronger. This is a great advantage and I venture to say that no man exists who has given so much consideration to this secret.
The advantage in shot is even greater, as we employ less powder in proportion to an increase in the size of the shot.
Weight of shot.
Culverins19 pounds.
Half culverins11¾ "
Sakers9 "
Minions5 "
Thus the seven ships carry in weight 22 half culverins, weighing 258½ pounds and 144 sakers and minions weighing 1,008 pounds, or 1,266½ pounds in all. The three ships would carry 60 half culverins, weighing 705 and 60 culverins weighing 19 pounds, making 1,845 pounds in all, showing a difference of 579 pounds.
The artillery of the seven ships being small can do little damage to large ships, but large ships could do a great deal of harm to them. These ships also carry land soldiers who are expected to do great execution with their arquebuses. But the large ships can so damage the upper deck with their artillery that they will not be able to use their artillery or muskets, or very little owing to the smoke, and it is 50 to 1 that they do them no harm. Those who trust so much to a number of land soldiers in sea fights do not know how much they hinder the sailors. In sea fights musketry fire is only useful upon two occasions, if the ship is on fire, to prevent the men from extinguishing it, and if the ship has a gun shot on the water line to keep her steady without pulling her over from the outside.
The amount of space for the men in a large ship is a consideration of great importance as the men are further apart and are better able to fight. If the three ships are as good sailors as the others they would bring more artillery to bear. I can only prove this by a long discussion in technical terms, and I forbear because I cannot express myself in the language. If the little ships had to fight in a high wind the big ones would smash them. What good would they and the Flemish ships of their size be if they met a great galleon, which would fear them as little as a galley would fear so many gondolas.
I hope I have proved my point that three such ships with English sailors under a good commander would deal with fifteen of the other ships.
Two hundred sailors would suffice to fight each ship, more would be in the way. Three men to each piece of ordnance, not to leave their posts except for extraordinary emergencies, that makes 120 men. The following officers and non combatants: captain, master, helmsman, two barbers, two in the powder magazine, two caulkers and four powder monkeys, making 133. This leaves 67 men to manage the sails and use their muskets. This number suffices, so that they do not disturb the gunners, and as all are sailors they can be employed in various ways and know where they can hurt the enemy, and can manage the sails. If there were more they would have to go below, as there is no need for land soldiers. Sea fighting consists in two points: orders, which no one can give who does not know the technical terms, and execution in which a sailor is better than five soldiers, for the latter can only manage their muskets, while the former can work a gun, manage the sails and board the enemy with a decent weapon. Thus when soldiers are on board they should be under the command of the sea captain, or they will get in the way. When two fleets meet, the one best provided with experienced sailors will certainly win.
The seven ships have 500 soldiers and 470 sailors, 970 in all, and the three ships would have 600 sailors or 370 men less. But they would have 130 more sailors than the others, which makes them stronger. To prove this, put the 130 sailors in a ship with 30 pieces of artillery and 1,000 soldiers in another, with 40 pieces; the former would take the latter because they would be superior in manipulating the ship and guns. I take the liberty to say that all men experienced in sea fighting are of opinion that the great Galleon of St. Mark and all the ships of the republic would do more service in a fight it two-thirds of these were men sailors and the other troops put on shore.
The cost of the seven English ships is as follows:
Sailors.Ducats a month.
The Royal Exchange801,800
The Abigail701,600
The Hercules701,600
The Matthew701,600
The Anadam601,400
The Centurion601,400
The Dragon601,400
Total10,800
The 500 soldiers cost about 4,000 ducats a month, 48,000 ducats a year. Total for the seven ships in the year, 178,320 ducats.
The three ships with their 600 sailors which could easily beat the others, would cost: 100 fighting men, who must have sufficient food, which is more than is required in merchant ships, 26,400 ducats.
That the Signory may know that it does not pay too dear, the King of Great Britain pays 8d. a day to his sailors for food, making 48½ ducats a year, and Sir Henry Peyton pays 10d. a day, making 60 ducats, but I will undertake to do it for 44 ducats a year per head.
The wages of the 600 sailors at 6 ducats a month, one ducat more than is given in merchant ships, amount to 43,200 ducats.
The total cost thus comes to 69,600 ducats, a yearly saving of 108,720 ducats.
[Italian.]
Jan. 25.
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715. MEMORANDUM in the HANDWRITING of ANTONIO FOSCARINI.
The English royal ships have some officers with patents from the king who must not be removed. They are the gunners, the helmsmen, the cook, the carpenter and others. The king supplies his ships with sailors only as the soldiers are of little use and because he will not trust his ships to soldiers. It would be better not to bring troops in them, as they would be too crowded and loss would result, as took place before. If the republic desires to have Englishmen in her service at sea, I think she should have 100 or 200 gunners for the ships and five times as many soldiers. But if a large number is required and at less cost it would be cheaper to obtain them from the Dutch, whose ships carry less sailors, cost less and could come safely with the royal ships.
The English sailors are the best and the Flemings cannot deny it, and indeed confess as much. The Flemings are only good when they fight with guns and in their ships, but the English are much better in fighting at close quarters, in boarding the enemy's ships sword in hand. The Flemings do not act so. The English fight with valour and judgment, whereas the Flemings are often drunk. (La marinaresca Inglese è la meglio et li Fiamenghi non possono negarlo, anzi confessano che li Inglesi sono meglio di loro et loro maestri, fra quali sendovi tanto suani che sendo i fiamenghi solo buoni quando che combattono con l'Artiglieria ò dentro le sue navi, ma l'Inglesi sono molto migliori da combattere con l'arme in mano et saltar dentro la nave nemica, et per combatterla con la spada quello che non fanno li fiamenghi, sendo molto valorosi nel combatter et con giudizio, quello che non fanno li fiamenghi i quali sono molte volte inebriati.)
[Italian.]
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Archives
716. STATEMENT of ANTONIO FOSCARINI.
I, Antonio Foscarini, have seen Sir Henry Mainwaring by command of the Savii and have gathered the following in various conversations.
He first repeated the matters contained in his letter. He said that when the Spanish ambassador heard about it he had gone to the Council chamber and to the king himself, to stop him going. He asked if as much would be conceded to his own king. They told him your Excellencies were arming for defence. To give some satisfaction in appearance the king ordered Mainwaring to defer his departure until the Spanish ambassador had left. The Spanish ambassador reached Dover soon after him and expressed pleasure that he had not gone and said he would have fared badly as he had sent orders to all the ports subject to his king for his detention. He argued against Mainwaring serving your Excellencies, offering him a pardon and an honourable post under the Catholic king. He said that if the Duke of Ossuna had been given a free hand he would have taken Venice already, but it will come; your Excellenices will soon be consumed and will fall into his king's hands, and it will soon appear which has most gold, the Indies or your treasury. He said this contemptuously, adding: They will speak Spanish soon at Venice, speaking slightingly of your Excellencies. He told me all this at different times in various conversations.
After the ambassador left he started, but finding himself in danger in Flanders he returned to England. He then sailed in a small ship from the Isle of Wight (Vinch) to in Normandy, and passed through France and Savoy, being welcomed by the duke at Turin.
I discovered that hardly had he arrived here than he was told all manner of ill of the government, that he would get no employment for a long time, and then only a base one; and he would be treated like a common sailor, without character or honour. This moved him greatly and induced him to obtain a letter for his king to offer his services and to go back at once.
I spoke suitably and think I produced a good impression.
Of the seven English ships in your Serenity's fleet he said: They cost a great deal and will be of little use in time of need. Three ships of 500 and 550 tons each, with 200 sailors and 40 pieces of artillery would render better service and thrash ten of the others. The large ships would not suffer so much from gun fire and the men would be better protected. He said musketry was only good for two things, to prevent the extinguishing of a fire on an enemy's ship and to prevent outside repairs to a damaged ship; that sailors used muskets better than soldiers because they knew what to shoot at, and that everything depended upon orders and their execution. It was necessary to have sailors, because they managed the ship better. He gave the substance of this in a paper, which I enclose. He declared that the English and Dutch hate to have soldiers on their ships, and as a rule they have no one on their ships who cannot work the sails if necessary. A ship of 100 tons generally has 50 men, and there is an additional man for every two tons over, except in the larger ships, when a smaller number of men suffices.
He said your Excellencies were under two disadvantages in arming in England, firstly in point of time, as the merchants were arming to send to divers parts; secondly by hurrying things on, the men raised their terms every day forseeing that if peace followed your Serenity would not have them at any price and if war you would not be able to consider a little more or less. If your Serenity wishes to arm it would be better to begin early, as in March a number of ships are prepared in England for the East Indies, Greenland and Newfoundland, a fleet for each. The seven ships now engaged cost about 180,000 ducats a year, and three large ones would cost less than 70,000. He would undertake the command and get his king to guarantee his fidelity.
In buying vessels he said it would be better to go to the Low Counties for the ships, their tackle and gunpowder, which are cheaper there; for cannon shot and victuals to England. In any case he would always get the money from merchants, if the republic paid in good time. This would increase the number of ships of great draught in his city. He told me that if the needs of your Serenity become greater, as seems likely, the same money which is spent on the seven ships would allow him to obtain four large ships from his Majesty, which he thinks he could easily get, and they would suffice with but little help, to meet all the galleys that Ossuna possesses. He said if your Serenity wished to make such a request of his king it would be necessary to say a word to the ambassador here, and it would be advisable to ask for ten for emergencies and you would be sure to get four or six at least.
You should thank his Majesty for the seven merchant ships, but add that they cost a great deal and are not suitable. The Duke of Ossuna should be considered a pirate by all princes, and if the King of Spain authorises his actions he is waging war on the republic. However, the king need not notice this because his Majesty does not wish to show himself clearly in this. You should promise to restore the ships in as good condition as they are sent, promising reparation if any one be lost. It would be best for the Ambassador Donato to speak first to the Marquis of Buckingham, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Chamberlain. These ships cost the king at least 4,000 crowns each a year to maintain, so that he would gain by lending them to your Serenity, and to give the command to one of his subjects would greatly facilitate matters.
He told me that he is of a well known family, lieutenant of Lord Zouch (Succh) in the Cinque Ports, lieutenant of Dover castle and a gentleman of his Majesty's privy chamber. He would devote all his energies to this and would hope for success through his influence at Court. If your Excellencies wish to make provision in those parts you should do so early to get done before March. He would have the ships armed and fully equipped for setting out within two months from the day that the king gave the order. He needed that time to make enquiries. The ships should be of about 800 tons, each carrying little less than 60 pieces of ordnance, all of bronze. Each one will carry 400 men ready to serve as sailors and soldiers, excellent men. What your Serenity is now spending upon the seven little English ships will suffice for the whole cost. He would undertake the matter and see that the king promised the ambassador of your Serenity that he would serve faithfully and keep his promises, and the king would write the same to your Serenity. I feel sure that he has conferred with the ambassador of his king because that seems only reasonable, though he has never said a word about it to me.
[Italian.]
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717. MOST SERENE PRINCE.
Sir [Henry] Mainwaring, having been to the house of me Antonio Foscarini, various times, to ask for his commissions, as I have reported from time to time, came on Sunday morning and told me that the English ambassador had said to him that at the slightest hint from your Serenity he would be most ready to try and get his king to grant a number of his own ships to the republic, and gave him leave to tell me so much. The ambassador added that he would not have a hand in the matter if he did not expect to succeed and said your Serenity might receive greater satisfaction than, possibly, you hoped for.
Presented, the 23rd January, 1618. [M.V.]
[Italian.]
Jan. 25.
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718. To the Ambassador in England.
From the enclosed papers you will understand the position of Sir [Henry] Mainwaring (Magnarigh) who was sent here by your predecessor to serve in the fleet in command of a squadron, the calculations which he has made for our information and the proposals which he has made to us, and what we esteem most highly, the royal promise that he will render faithful service, a point which has been emphasised by the ambassador of his Majesty here, who after referring to the naval skill of the man, asked us to decide what we would do, as you will see from the copy of the exposition. In the present circumstances the matter is of high importance. We have given our attention to it, and as it would be inopportune to come to very close negotiation with Mainwaring, for reasons given below, we have afforded him a refresher of 600 crowns for the expenses of his journey, and spoken favourably about the command. We shall then send him back to endeavour to obtain the king's four ships, because they are better appointed than those of private owners and have good bronze ordnance. We direct you to assist his offices both with the government and with the king to obtain the grant of these ships in conformity with what you will see we have done with his ambassador, letting the ministers know that we do not intend in any way to involve thereby the interests of their sovereign. You will then see that Mainwaring obtains, as he promises, the king's promise that he will serve us faithfully and will obey our generals and other sea captains and that he has good sureties ready, to your satisfaction, for the money paid to him in advance. If you do not receive satisfaction in these two conditions, you will go no further without fresh orders from us. If he complies, and he has made the proposals, you will arrange the rest by the light of his own calculations for the payment of the sailors and other expenses. We give you power to supply him with 200 crowns a month of 7 lire each for the time that he remains in our service. If he is not satisfied with this, you will submit the decision to us, but there should be no difficulty as he has declared that he will abide by our good pleasure.
If the negotiation proceeds successfully, despatch is of the highest importance for our interests, so that the ships may join the rest of our fleet, and it will be a good thing to stipulate this point. In arranging the time for the beginning of the salaries of gunners, sailors and others, you will provide that a reduction shall be made from the pay if the men do not present themselves at the appointed times. As it is impossible to lay down all the details, we leave the rest to your prudence and ability. You must keep to yourself the knowledge that we are thinking of getting rid of the seven English ships, which, to tell the truth, are ill adapted for our needs, if we can obtain the four vessels in question. If these four ships cannot be obtained from the king, you will still tactfully endeavour to obtain his Majesty's promise of Mainwaring's fidelity and the securities for the money. With regard to negotiations for other ships for our service, we will write to you in good time, but you must keep this to yourself, so that Mainwaring, feeling doubtful about our decision in this matter, may use the greater efforts to obtain the ships from the king.
That 600 crowns of 7 lire each be paid to Sir Henry Mainwaring for the expenses of his journey and that he may leave well disposed towards our service.
Ayes146.
Noes2.
Neutral2.
[Italian.]

Footnotes

1 Of Elizabeth, her third child, born 26 December, 1618.
2 Naunton was appointed secretary on January 8, 1618. He obtained this post through the influence of Buckingham, in whose favour he resigned offices held from the crown to the value of about 1,000l. yearly, while promising to make the favourite's younger brother, Christopher Villiers, heir of 500l. a year of Naunton's own hereditary possessions. Amerigo Salvetti to Andrea Cioli, on 24 Jan., 1618. Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 27962A. Gardiner, though mentioning the 500l. on Salvetti's authority, says nothing about the 1,000l. See Hist. Eng. iii. page 101.
3 Quarto; published at London by B. Norton in 1613.
4 Published at London in 1616.