Henry VIII
April 1520, 2-15


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'Henry VIII: April 1520, 2-15', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 3: 1519-1523 (1867), pp. 249-264. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=91046 Date accessed: 21 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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April 1520

2 April.
Vesp. F. I. 72.
B. M.
Credential for Thos. Spinelly, appointed resident in the imperial Court on the recal of [Tunstal], master of the Rolls. Greenwich, 2 April 1520. Not signed.
Fr., p. 1. Add.
Nothing has occurred since he wrote last on the 14th March, except that the new Spanish ambassador will be present at these Easter festivities with great pomp, by whose coming it is hoped concord will be established between the Pope and the Emperor. The French are continually asserting that an interview between Francis and Henry has been fully concluded, which is thought very much of; and though the Pope is satisfied that nothing will be done prejudicial to the Holy See, he is not pleased at never having been informed of it, seeing that since August last, when Campeggio left England, till now, he has only received one letter from thence, and not even a message through Worcester. Has pleaded, in excuse, Wolsey's manifold engagements, which left him no leisure to write except upon matters of great moment; to which the Pope replied, "Tell me, on your faith, what thing could take place of greater moment than the conclusion of this interview ?" He added that it was the custom of other princes, even when nothing of importance occurred, to write at least once a month; and, however occupied Wolsey might be, he might have commissioned Silvester Darius to write to Worcester. There have been disturbances in the States of the Church, which the Pope has punished. Has sent to Wolsey on two occasions six bonnets (birreta), three for winter and three for summer.
While writing was sent for by the Pope, and again asked what could be the cause that Wolsey had sent him no word of this interview ? De quo colloquio Galli valde gloriantur, innuentes in maximum eorum favorem cessurum esse; sed sua Sanctitas mihi ait ex optimo loco sibi significari, (cujus rei cum quoquam præterquam cum vestra reverendissima dominatione ne verbum quidem facerem arctissime precepit,) Cæsaream majestatem in Angliam descensuram, ut serenissimum Regem nostrum conveniat, etiam si nullam ob aliam rem esset quam ut colloquium istud cum rege Gallorum disturbet, qui Galli non parum verentur hoc imperatoris consilium. Pontifex autem dicit summopere cupere Imperatorem in hoc proposito permanere idque exequi; ingenti enim Regiæ majestati honori et gloriæ esset. Sua item Sanctitas mihi affirmavit se nuncium Calisiam ad serenissimum Regem nostrum, si modo cis mare venerit, mittere omnino decrevisse, quod infra dies octo futurum cogitat; quamvis nondum hominem elegerit, alterum itidem in Flandriam, qui illic Imperatorem expectet, isque erit dominus Marinus Caracciolus qui in Alemania imperatoriæ electioni interfuit, vir quidem et probitate et sufficientia plenus; aliu[m] quoque in Galliam, qui vocatur dominus Joanne[s] Rucelaius, suæ sanctitatis consobrinus, vir non minoris probitatis quam doctrinæ.
Item, Pontifex mihi dixit ducem Albaniæ ex Gallia profectum esse huc venturum, qui per aliquot menses laboravit antequam a rege Gallorum veniam abeundi exoraret, quam tandem obtinuit sub excusatione huc veniendi, ut res dotis affinis suæ defunctæ, olim ducis Laurentii nepotis pontificis conjugis, componeret; sed in rei veritate Pontifex asserit præfatum ducem huc venire ob malam satisfactionem quam ex prædicto Rege reportat, quum dicat se ab eo nullum favorem rebus Scotis habere sicut ei promiserit. Rome, 4 April 1520. Signed.
Lat., pp. 3, partly cipher. Add. Endd.
4 April.
Calig. D. VII.
B. M.
Wrote last on Tuesday; visited the King's mother; coming there, found in her utter chamber the ambassadors of Spain and Venice. Spain had the first audience; then Wingfield. She told him "that, according to the King's promise, they had kept their day of arriving to Bloyse, where they would make but short sejourne after the feast." On Wednesday or Thursday they would not fail to be in Paris. She had told the same to Don Provoste, and also that they "meddled with a prince of faith and promise." She remarked to Wingfield that, after they had withdrawn the duke of Albany out of Scotland, they had found the value of England's friendship. Wingfield said he considered this as the first act of their sincerity, and hoped this friendship would continue. She said she hoped the same, and thought things could not have come in so good a train unless God had put his hand thereto, and that when the two princes met they would conclude upon some act which should be to the weal of Christendom and their perpetual loving. Wingfield said many feared the meeting..."She demanded me of the Queen's grace, and whether I thou[ght her to] have any great devotion to this assembly; whereunto I answer[ed I knew] well that there could not be a more vertuous or wise princess ony-where than the Queen my mistress was, having none oth[er joy or] comfort in this world but to do and follow all that she may [think] to stand with the King's pleasure; and considered by her as well hyt [pleased him] to be entirely affectioned to the said assembly, as also the allia[nce and] marriage to be passed and concluded between the Princess and [the] Dauphin," he thought none could be more desirous of it than she. On her asking whether the Queen was with child, he told her he had no such knowledge, but trusted God would "send her fruit in time convenient." She hoped so too, and when the King had a son or two, they and the Dauphin would be brethren; and "considering as well the en ... which was engendered between the two princes, as also that [it had] pleased God to send them one other son, and like to have, by God['s grace], plenty of others; but that the King here could be right we[ll content] to send over the Dolphyn into England, after he shall have a fe[w more] years, to be there nourished and brought up after such ma[nner] as should stand best with the King's highness' pleasure." She wished to show him the [Dauphin], but the child was asleep. Blois, 4 April. Signature burnt off.
Pp. 2, mutilated.
Calig. D. VII.
"[The French] King for his part, thinking that the earl of [Worcester], the King's chamberlain, may be appointed, as he was the last ... the King's highness' part for the purpose afore rehearsed, sendy[th] Seignour Chastillion, one of the four maresshaulx of France, ... the order." If the Chamberlain cannot come, Francis wishes some one of equal rank to be sent,—to meet near Calais on the 10th April. Chatillon starts in three days. Wingfield had urged, for various reasons, to have the meeting deferred till the 14th or 15th June. The King would have been contented for the "parfitting" of this affair, and the better proclamation of it, but the time of the Queen's lying in prevents it. On the King's urging the jousts to be at Ardre, Wingfield stated that as his master must pass the sea it was fitting "that he should meet him with [in his own] territory."
"And as concerning the King's colours, he said if there were any la[dies in] England which would have sent him the said colours he w[ould not] have refused them; but he trusted not to be so far out of the g[race of the] ladies but he should find one in France which would bestow ... colors upon him; whereof he would make such number of a ... as is contained in his writing to your grace; and his said ... he hath expressed in the same with the stuff and sort th[e same] shall be made of."
Mutilated, pp. 2.
7 April.
Calig. D. VII.
Received Wolsey's of the 1st ... on ... sday, with letters for the King and the Admiral. The King has appointed to be with his council, and will then give the writer an interview. Finding from Wolsey's letter that the matter required haste, about 5 o'clock he called on the Admiral,—found there the Chancellor, the Admiral and others,—delivered Wolsey's letter to the Admiral, who marvelled that he should have passed the treaty, and set out the day for a meeting, knowing it was not possible to prolong the time if the Queen was to be there. Wingfield urged the difficulty of making preparations, and begged the Admiral to intercede for the prolon- gation. He replied, "that the King his master should find the case very strange, which might give him cause to imagine many things." He then proposed they should visit my Lady, and get her to intercede. They found the King there. After the King returned from "the chappe[ll of] Tenebres," "the Admiral brou[ght me into] the closet where the King was with the Queen, and my said ... by the way showed me that he had broken the ma[tter unto my] Lady apart. And also ... her in the same; and at my coming ... to the King, and after he had demanded me wyd[der] ... or no, he opened it, and the Admiral held him the candle, b[ut finding] the same to be somewhat long, as also that it was late, being ... 8 of the clock, folded it up, and bade me be with him in [the morning] for to disclose him my credence."
On his departure urged my Lady to use her endeavors to prolong the time, considering the difficulty of the preparation and Wolsey's indisposition. She expressed her fears of being unable to prevail, but would do her best to obtain some part of his grace's desire. Next day the Admiral told him that they could not prevail, and that the King had debated every proposition contained in Wolsey's letter, and considered them unreasonable. Encloses a memorial of them as far as he can remember. Expressed his regret that the proposals in the letter had not been well taken, as if some deceit had been intended. Feared, when the knowledge of it came to England, it would be resented as reflecting on his master's sincerity. On presenting his credence to the King, Wingfield assured him that no variation was intended, and that his master would think such a suspicion very strange. After a patient hearing the King told him that he was continually hearing reports that the interview was not seriously intended;—"and as [in] part ye have seen," he said, "that incontinent after your arriving and r[eport] made by you for my return fro the parties of Conyacke and Angoles[me], I have left all mine affairs in the said parts, and am comyn to thys [town], where I will not sojourn past three or four days after Easter, p[urposing] to follow the desire which ye made me upon your master's behalf a[nd in] the name of mons. le cardinall de York, trusting that your m[aster], considering the premises, and that I can no further delay the ty[me,] will keep the term limited in the treaty passed between us f[or the] interview." All the concession he would make was that, if Henry would be at Calais on 4th June, he would be at Boleyn, and would prolong the assembly for eight or ten days, or as long as the Queen's condition would allow. The Admiral sent for him in the afternoon, and said that the King his master had heard that a new ambassador was to be sent to England from lady Margaret, the Seigneur de la Roche, "and [that the Seigneur de Berghes was to] have gone, but was not in health;" this, he knew, was on purpose to prevent the meeting. Blois, 7 April.
P.S. (in Wingfield's own hand).—This is the seventh letter he has sent to Wolsey. Robert Fowlar is at Calais. Signed.
Mutilated, pp. 5.
7 April.
Calig. D. VII.
"... con and enclosed the Ad[miral] sent for me to dinner, and incontinently after dinner the ambassador of Venice had a long communication with him." Meantime Robertet told him that they had received intelligence from Flanders that the Flemish envoy had received instructions to prevent the impending interview, and offer the King a new alliance. Wingfield threw discredit on it. The council here is not without doubt of the interview. Thinks it would be wise for Wolsey to send a letter to the King or the Admiral.
Hol., mutilated, p.1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal. Date destroyed, but marked in the margin, in modern hand, "P.S. Ap. 7."
Calig. D. VII.
A memorial signed by Sir Richard Wingfield, headed * * * "... of certain considerations allegy[d by the] French king upon the continue of your grace's letters declared unto me, as well by the said King as by the Admiral."
(1.) That he marvelled at the wish to have the interview delayed, considering that out of regard to the arrangements made, and to avoid the appearance of any dealings with the King Catholic, he had left his affairs in Angomoyse and the confines there at Bordelloyse and Bayonne. If this change be made, the residue of the arrangement is of no force.
(2.) It was left to your option whether the ladies should be present or not, and if determined in the affirmative it should be May or September, and his grace has chosen May.
(3.) That if his commissioners had stated they could not make the preparation, he would have cashiered them, and sent those that could.
(4.) That as for victuals he would provide them himself [for] 40,000 persons, if need were.
(5.) That the time when the Queen may be present has been carefully calculated, and cannot be put off for a month, as your grace suggests.
(6.) As to the honor of her being delivered upon the confines, and the king and queen of England being present to christen the child, it would not be commodious for them to tarry all that time.
(7.) All these things considered, hopes that the Cardinal will not suffer any hindrance, and will remember that whenever Francis wished any change to be made, he was always met by the answer that it was contrary to the treaty. Signed.
Add.: To my lord Cardinal's good grace. Endd.
Mutilated, pp. 3.
7 April.
Calig. D. VII.
726. FRANCIS I. to [WOLSEY].
Cannot comply with his wish to prorogue the meeting till the end of June. It has been fixed already by the Cardinal,—the time is notorious,—the Queen's state of health will not allow of delay. Hopes the King his brother will be with all his company at Calais on the 1st or 4th of June next at latest, as he will be at Boleyn. Has explained it amply to Sir Richard W[ingfield], and also to Marigny. 7 April. Signed.
Fr., mutilated, pp. 2.
7 April.
Calig. D. VII.
Received his letter, dated Westminster, 31 March. The meeting cannot be prorogued, in consequence of the Queen. Has told Wingfield of certain devices made to hinder the interview, who will inform him of the same. 7 April.
Fr., mutilated, pp. 2.
7 April.
Mon. Habs.
Has already told him what Wolsey had said, that after the two sovereigns had met they might conclude for another interview beyond the sea after the meeting with France, at which Henry would be glad that Madame should be present, in the hope that they might all persuade her to go to Spain, which would be very desirable, and keep all Charles's dominions in peace, and so prevent the diminution of Chievres' influence when the Emperor went to Germany. Said he thought whenever Chievres wanted rest, which might be after the King was crowned at Aix, he would not accept any office, and that if he wished to continue at his post he would not like to be away from the Emperor, or supplant Madame, whom Charles would not wish to remove. Wolsey said, No; but affairs required that she should go to Spain and change places with Chievres. "Certes, Monsieur," I replied; "if she went she would be welcome, but the King would not send her against her will; and as for Chievres I am certain he will not like any other charge when he has retired from his present one." He answered in Latin: "Ah! Master Secretary, if you think that, I see well you do not perfectly understand the nature of men in authority." He supposes every one is like himself, for he would be very sorry, I think, to be stripped of the authority which he holds. Moreover, I wonder at his folly in thinking that if my master wished that Madame should go she would do so more readily at their persuasion than his.
Excuses himself for telling Chievres what he thinks touching the interview; but these things must be considered: 1. The time when Charles shall arrive, and how long he can stay in England before Henry leaves for France. 2. Whether the time they can be together will be long enough to discuss all matters touching their common weal. 3. Whether it would be better to conclude everything while they are together, before the French interview, or to defer everything until the latter has taken place, and then conclude for a second interview beyond sea, proposing nothing for the present except making good cheer. The fear might be, if no serious business were discussed, whether this course would not create suspicion and cause them to treat with France to our prejudice, as they would then be free to do. 4. What articles it would be safe to propose to prevent England making profit out of them with France at the approaching interview. It must be well considered beforehand what points ought to be communicated by our master to the king of England to make a show of confidence, without touching on the principal points in dispute between the Emperor and France, but on such only as will make them open their mouths and show how the land lies. They will then probably speak of themselves of the matters of which they made overtures to us when Helna came over with La Sauch and found Hesdin; on which, as you know, I went to the King and you: in which case it will be necessary to have an answer ready, that they may not suspect any distrust in us. Proposes to thank them for their overtures, and say that as they will have understood from Charles his wishes on several subjects, and as they wish to make further overtures, it would be well to have a meeting, that the two might treat freely of everything; but as they might not quite agree on all points, they shall promise each other upon oath to keep everything secret. This will prevent their treating with France, it being resolved that a second interview should take place beyond sea, when more might be got out of them. The fame of these two interviews would be much to the credit of Charles, cause people to think that he had England at his beck, and quite efface the impression made by the French interview.
Moreover, two objects might be effected by the first interview: First, the breaking off of the French interview, though that would be very difficult, seeing how much Wolsey is set upon it, notwithstanding that it is very unpopular with all the nobility and people of England; or, secondly, they might cause it to grow cold, that little love should come of it. Thinks, therefore, that an interview between Charles and Henry is very necessary, provided it can be held before the interview with France; and if that cannot be, Charles has agreed it shall take place after his arrival in Flanders, to secure his passage. He can afterwards break it off if he dislikes it. If there be any fear that they cannot come to an agreement before parting, Charles's departure might be deferred until the king of England has crossed; for, to pass without speaking to him, would be to lose everything, and make him entirely devoted to France, which would be very awkward, considering that they do not know what terms they are on with the Pope, and they would also be abandoned by the Swiss and Venetians. It would be well also to think what answer should be made if Wolsey proposes a meeting of all three; also whether it would not be well to inform the English of the matters in dispute with France, so that they might give a right answer if Francis touched upon them at their meeting; also to consider how Wolsey might be won, for he leans decidedly to the opposite party. When we deal with men (quant nous avons affaire des gens) we give good words, and promise wonders; but, having attained our object, there is an end of it. The French do not act in this way; for they talk and give at the same time, and make large promises besides. If any preferment fall vacant before the Emperor's coming, it should be given to Wolsey, but it should not be less than 5,000 or 6,000 ducats a year, or it will not be esteemed. If there be nothing, Charles should make letters patent promising to give him the first vacant benefice of that value. Defers a statement of some other things which should be given them. "If you think they will labor for us, 'et pour nos beaux yeux,' and turn a deaf ear to others, certes, Monsieur, you will find yourself much mistaken." Advises him to have his wits about him. If they can agree with the master they need not mind the servants; but everything must be well determined beforehand, for the time of the meeting may chance to be too short to settle everything. Understands that the bishop of Elna has made some promise to Wolsey on the part of Charles, to be fulfilled in reversion, after he has kept the promises he has made to other great personages who have done him great services. Imagine how Wolsey values it! He did not say a word in reply, any more than if he had been dumb. This is not the way to use such personages. It would have been much better had the Bishop held his tongue. They think we take them "pour beste," and expect them to do what we want, on a promise to be kept ten years hence. That is the old song, "Faictes moy ung chandeau quant je suis mort; ou, sy je puis vivre longhement assez, je seray des enffans de crocque meure, j'en auray, s'il en demeure."
Chievres must also consider what instructions are to be given to Helna when he goes with the king of England to the French interview, and how he shall conduct himself with the Domprévot, for he will need to have his eyes open. They must turn their own arts against the French, and not spare promises, or Francis will make them drink his aurum potabile, and they will tipple à la bouteille, while our ambassadors look on with folded arms, and understand nothing till they get the cudgel over the ears; and then, no matter what it costs, things will have to be set right again. If this had been looked to three or four months ago, the French interview would never have been concluded, while our own would have been arranged more to our honor, and the Pope would have been more tractable. If Wolsey be not gained, their affairs will go no better.
Wolsey had given them hopes that the interview with France should have been deferred till the end of June if Charles could have come before the middle of that month; but the French king has refused, as we have seen by letters from the French admiral to the Cardinal, on the ground of the Queen being with child. Since that answer arrived they have ordered Buckingham and others to make ready with all diligence. They have answered that they cannot be ready on so short a notice, but they require three months to prepare, as the time was fixed without consulting them. Another obstacle has occurred from the workmen, whom the king of England sent over to prepare his lodging at Calais, and especially at Guisnes. They have sent word that it is impossible to complete the preparations by the end of May; in consequence of which the Cardinal has written again to the French admiral, making such representations that he is sure they will not refuse a little longer delay. As soon as he hears that the answer has come, will inform Chievres of it, in order that if Charles cannot come before the middle of May, he may consider what is to be done after.
Has heard of another obstacle. Some days ago the Queen assembled her council to confer about this interview, and while she was holding it the King arrived. On his asking what was going on, the Queen told him why she had called them, and finally they said that she had made such representations, and shown such reasons against the voyage, as one would not have supposed she would have dared to do, or even to imagine. On this account she is held in greater esteem by the King and his council than ever she was. Has not been able to find out, however, what answer the King made to her. There is no doubt that the voyage is against the will of the Queen and all the nobles, though some may already have drunk of the bottle. The whole people say they are leaving their old friends for their old enemies, and that there is no help for it unless the Emperor come, in which case they hope the interview will be broken off. So you may be sure that you have only Wolsey to gain, which will now be very difficult; for, no doubt, besides the great gifts he has had from France, they have promised, what we might have done much better, to make him Pope. I see quite well he will be very glad if the Emperor do not come, for whenever we have opposed his opinion he has given us our congé, saying, "Bien! ne le faictes point; allez vous en;" or something very much like it. Wishes he were in the Emperor's council to advise him.
La Roche and the Audiencer arrived on Tuesday. Hopes before Wednesday or Thursday next everything will be arranged, and that Charles will be informed of it by the end of the month, so as to leave, if the wind be favorable, at the beginning of May. If his colleagues had come along with him, they would have gained three weeks or a month. The mistake has been in waiting for De Berghes, also in sending ample powers to conclude the interview and confirm past treaties, which has made the English wish to treat with them about the intercourse, while in fact their power is limited. La Roche and the Audiencer have been very well received, especially by the King. They made the recommendations of De Berghes, informing the King of his illness, who expressed regret to hear it, knowing him to be a good servant of Charles. The bishop of Elna then made the recommendations of Chievres; on which the King answered, "God shield him. He is one that I love well, both for his virtues and prudence, and for the good service he has done to the King my good brother and nephew, though it is true that in the past his wisdom was not known to me, and I did not hold him in great favor; but since I have known the ends at which he is aiming, I love and esteem him with all my heart." Chievres is under great obligations to Elna, both for his daily services to the Emperor, and for his good will to himself. Regrets that he has let two great vacancies slip without rewarding him. Chievres' cousin, the Marquis, is here, who writes to him for some favor. Thinks he should be gratified, as he is high in favor with the King his master. As the king of England has arranged for a tourney beyond the sea, recommends that Charles should send him some fine horses. He has a large number of fine ones, so they should be specially good. Hochstrate told him, before he left Malines, that he should like to meet the Emperor before his landing. Are about to conclude for the interview at Sandwich, where he might be present. London, Easter eve, 7 April.
7 April.
Mon. Habs.
Acknowledge the receipt of certain letters with a packet for Captain Jeronimo, who is not yet come. Have informed the King and Cardinal of the intention of the French to raise a number of Swiss foot and lanzknechts, and lead them against Navarre. They will not believe it. Margaret may know already, by letters which Helna has written to the King by her, the answer they have made about the writing delivered by the ambassador of France to Charles; viz., that if the French invade Charles, England would immediately assist him, as he would in like manner assist France if Charles invaded it. Have not thought right to say anything about the prosperity of the king of Denmark. Are in as great perplexity as Margaret about the change made by the English in the place they had chosen for the interview; and also because they have [not] (fn. 1) yet received instructions from Charles, whether, notwithstanding the conclusion between France and England for their interview, he will still adhere to his resolution to have an interview with Henry, and will agree to the change of place, seeing there is now no means of breaking off that of France. The Bishop has written so fully to the King that he hoped in a few days to be informed of his resolution, especially whether he will have an interview after that of France, in case he cannot before. Think the place much more convenient than any other; and, considering that Charles has determined to pass by England, have agreed that the interview shall take place, and have managed the best way they could, awaiting the arrival of their colleagues, whose long delay has been a source of great difficulties. Even if Charles decline to hold any interview beyond sea after that of France, if he cannot come in time to have it here, it appears very advisable to settle that beyond sea. Did not mean to make her responsible for the delay of their colleagues, but she must make allowance for the difficulty it causes. Have not known what to write to Charles for three weeks, and it will be twelve or fourteen days before the letters reach him, which they send by Margaret, and which are not even yet affirmative, so that it will be 24 days at least before they have an answer. London, 7 April. Signed.
7 April.
Galba, B. VI.
B. M.
My Lady sends Wm. de Barres to Wolsey. Has to remain here, as formerly, in the Emperor's absence, for the protection of the country, to which he hopes Wolsey will give speedy assistance (remede). De Barres on his return brought Wolsey's recommendations, for which he thanks him. Brussels, Easter eve. Signed.
Fr., p. 1. Add.: A mons. le legat d'Angleterre.
8 April.
Galba. B. V.
B. M.
Commission of Henry VIII. to Ruthal bishop of Durham, Tunstal, Pace and More to conclude with the bishop of Helna and others a treaty of intercourse with the Emperor. Greenwich, 8 April 11 Hen. VIII.
Draft, pp. 2, mutilated.
Rym. XIII.
2. Treaty referred to above. London, 11 April 1520.
French Roll 11 Hen. VIII. m. 2.
R.O.3. Imperial counterpart of the same. London, 11 April 1520. Signed by the four imperial commissioners. Three seals remaining.
Lat., on vellum.
8 April.
Commission to the same parties to arrange a meeting between Henry VIII. and Charles V. Greenwich, 8 April 11 Hen. VIII.
Vesp. C. I.
2. Contemporary copy.
Pp. 4.
8 April.
Calig. D. VII.
The King objects to the prorogation, because he has heard from various quarters that the object of the Flemish ambassadors being despatched to England is to delay (dissimuler) the interview for the whole month of June, or break it off entirely, contrary to the arrangements made. Begs he will pay no heed to the practices of the Catholic King, and not allow any rupture or delay. Refers him for further information to Wingfield. Blois, 8 April. Signature burnt.
Fr., mutilated, pp. 3. Add.: [A] Mons., Mons. le [car]dinal d'Yort, legat et [cha]ncellier en Angleterre.
9 April.
Calig. D. VII.
Wrote his last on Easter eve. "About 7 of the clock the Admiral and Robert Tette passed forby my lodging, and descend at one church rasibus (fn. 2) to the same, whither the said Admiral desired me by one of his servants to come to him; and at myne arriving he showed me that they were comyn to the said place for two good purposes, the one being the good day for to win the pardons of visiting the church, the second to show me such intelligences as were comyn to his master." The Flemish ambassador has no other purpose except to break the interview or conclude an earlier meeting between his master and the king of England, which they could not believe; "which, if otherwise should be, though he could scantly believe it, 15 days after it should be done he knew well his master would not be conveyed to a second view." Desires that the ambassador who comes to arrange the passage of Charles to England may be put off. Wingfield wished to know what they would have his master do in case that King were constrained to land in England before the time of the interview. They answered that it should be known whether it was involuntary or not; that when similar overtures were made to them, to obviate all suspicions they had refused to listen to them; and that if he wished an interview with England it ought to be at a later period. The Pope's ambassador told him yesterday that the Swiss are "f ... appointment with the French king, and have sent to the said King a [letter under their] seals, promising the same, and desiring the seigneur De la Gwysche to be s[ent to] them for the perfitting thereof." Don John Mantuell (Manuel), now ambassador at Rome for the King Catholic, was the first who advertised the Pope of it. Blois, 9 April. Signed.
Mutilated, pp.2.
Strype's Mem.
i. 26.
Remonstrating with the Admiral (fn. 3) for giving credence to untrue bruits, tending to set divisions between the kings of France and England. It would be strange and ungrateful dealing if a prince should be restrained from treating with the ambassadors of his ancient friends and confederates. "And to be plain unto you, if the king of Castile should offer to descend at Sandwich, or about those parts, as he hath done, to see and visit the King and the Queen, his uncle and aunt, the King being in journeying toward the sea and next thereunto, it were too marvellous ingratitude to refuse the same; for by such dealing the King might well judge and think that the King our master neither esteemed, loved, nor favored him." The King intends entirely to accomplish all conventions between himself and France. "And if the French king should refuse the second meeting, for that the King our master hath entertained his ancient friend, by giving to him comfortable answer, it may be counted that he more mindeth to dissolve the said ancient amity than to continue or consolidate the same."
Calig. D. VII.
In answer to his letter of the 8th April, complaining of reports that England was not sincere in desiring the interview, and that ambassadors had been sent from Flanders to prevent it, explains the reason which induced Henry to consent to an interview with the Emperor; that the only object of desiring delay was for better preparation, and in consequence of his maladies; which, if they so "fervently continue" as at present, will prevent his travelling, "which should be to my great regret [and in] ward pensiveness." The King will not fail to be at Guisnes on the 31st May.
Draft, corrected by Ruthal; mutilated, pp. 12, widely written.
10 April.
Calig. D. VII.
* * * "... bearing date the last day of March." They are destitute of all provisions that should have been made by William Lilgrave. Want timber and sawyers. The Queen's and "both your lodging and the French queen dowager's" are advanced. The banqueting house and the chapel are respited for the present. Richard Gibson, "who should cover the roses with seared canvas, is not yet comen, and it is high time his works were in hand, for it must be painted on the outside, and after curiously garnished under with knots and batons gilt and other devices; which business is committed to John Rastell, Clement Urmeston and others." Begs that he will send to them "Mr. Maynn, who dwelleth with the bishop of Excester, and Maistre Barkleye the Blacke monke and poete, to devise histoires and convenient raisons to florisshe the buildings and banquet house withal." They desire Garter may trick a book of the arms required. The French king is making little preparation at Ardre. 10 April. Signature burnt.
Mutilated, pp. 2.
10 April.
Commission to Charles earl of Worcester, lord of Herbert and Gower, to treat with the commissioners of Francis I. according to the treaty for the interview by Wolsey, on 12th March last. Greenwich, 10 April 11 Hen. VIII.
11 April.
Galba, B. VI.
Rym. XIII. 714.
1. Controversy concerning the perpetuity and force of the treaty of 1506 shall remain undecided until the conclusion of the present treaty.
2. The subjects of each Prince to have liberty of commercial intercourse, as by treaty 24 Feb. 1496.
3. The English merchants trading to Antwerp not to pay toll of Zealand.
4. Merchants from Brabant, Flanders, &c. trading to England to pay customs, as by treaty 24 Feb. 1495[-6].
5. All claims originating in former tolls to be annulled by the present treaty.
6. Proceedings against German and English merchants in Brabant, Flanders, &c. to be suspended, and vice versâ.
7. English merchants not to make statutes to the prejudice of the subjects of the Emperor.
8. The present treaty to continue five years from 24 Jan. [1521] next.
9. To be confirmed within two months.
London, 11 April 1520.
Fr. 11 Hen. VIII. m.2.
R.O.2. Notarial attestation by Robert Toneys, LL.B., canon of York, and William Burbank, canon of the same, that on 12 April 1520, in the chapel at Greenwich, the treaty of intercourse between Henry VIII. and the Emperor was solemnly sworn and subscribed by Thomas bishop of Durham, Cuthbert Tunstal, master of the Rolls, Richard Pace, chief secretary, and Thomas More, councillor, on the one side, and Bernard de Mesa, bishop of Helna, Gerard de Pleine, Philip Haneton, and John de Salice (Sauch) on the other; in the presence of Wolsey, Thomas earl of Surrey, admiral of England; Thomas Lovell, Edward Ponynges and Henry Marney, knights; Richard Weston, William Fitzwilliam, Richard Gernyngham and John Daunce.
Lat., on vellum.
R.O.3. Draft of § 2. Pp. 10.
R.O.4. Modern copy of the articles of the above treaty, confirmed. 15 April 1520.
11 April.
Treaty between Bernard de Mesa, ambassador in England, Gerard de Pleine, Philip Haneton and John de Salice (de la Sauch) on the part of Charles, and Thomas bishop of Durham, Cuthbert Tunstall, master of the Rolls, Richard Pace, chief secretary, and Thomas More, for the meeting of the two sovereigns.
1. Charles agrees, unless prevented by weather or other reasonable hindrance, to be at Sandwich by the 15th of May, where Henry will meet him. As Sandwich is not a fit place to entertain him, he will remain there but one night, and on the following day the two Kings will visit the relies of St. Thomas at Canterbury, where this year is the remission of the jubilee. The Queen will be there to receive him. 2. If he be delayed by weather or the urgency of his affairs, as the king of England has determined to cross to Calais for some months, the two Kings shall meet on the 22nd July in a place half way between Calais and Gravelines; but before then they shall send deputies to mark out the place of meeting. There shall be two barriers (interstitia sive limites), within one of which shall be the nobles attending the king Catholic and the lady Margaret; in the other, the king and queen of England and their suite. The king of the Romans and the lady Margaret to be at Gravelines on the 20th July; the king and queen of England the same day at Calais. The interview to take place at 9 a.m. on the 22nd. 3. The only persons to be admitted within the intermediate space are to be, the king of the Romans accompanied by the lady Margaret and the marquis of Arschot, and the king of England accompanied by his Queen and Wolsey, except such as the princes desire to call on either side. The form of proceedings prescribed. 4. The suite of each prince to be unarmed, except their body guards. The number on each side to be equal, and as agreed on in an indenture signed by the ambassadors. Lest the fleet of the king of the Romans should be compelled to put into any other port than Sandwich, and the inhabitants should be alarmed by the appearance of armed men, it is agreed that the king of England shall, before the end of April, give orders to all places on the coast to supply them with victuals, provided they do not land, but only send purveyors on shore. 5. The king Catholic shall, before the 3rd of May, arm five vessels to scour the seas between Spain and Hampton, and the king of England other five to do the like between Hampton and Flanders, the captains having orders to join whenever necessary for mutual aid. 6. The treaty to be confirmed by each King within thirty days.
Here follow the commissions of Charles, dated Burgos, 25 Feb. 1520, 1 Chas. V.; and of Henry, dated Greenwich, 8 April 11 Hen. VIII.
Signed and sealed, London, 11 April 1520.
Additional articles:—1. Precedence to be given to the king and queen of England in the territory of the king of the Romans, and to Charles and Margaret in that of England. 2. Two nobles to be deputed on each side to guard the highways, who shall set scouts to examine the neighbourhood daily and hourly, towards Flanders, Picardy, Artois and England, and remove suspected persons. 3. All armed men on either side, except those for the defence of Calais, Guisnes, Hammes, St. Omer, Aire, Bourbourg and Gravelines, who shall not exceed the number of 700 esquires on each side, to be removed two days' journey, during the meeting of the Kings. 4. The above articles to be confirmed with the others.
Lat., vellum.
Galba, B. VI.
B. M.
2. Confirmation by Henry VIII. of the treaty made at London, 11 April last, for the meeting between him and Charles V.
Copy, Lat., pp. 11, mutilated.
Mon. Habs.
3. Copy of the English counterpart of the treaty. Lat.
Fr. 11 Hen. VIII. m. 6.
11 April.
Add. MS.
18675. f. 2.
B. M.
Oath to the treaties for an interview, and for mutual intercourse between Henry VIII. and Charles king of the Romans. 11 April 1520. Signed by Ruthal, Tunstal, Pace and More.
Lat., vellum.
Mon. Habs.
2. Notarial certificate of the oath of the commissioners of Henry VIII. and Charles V. to the treaties for the interview and for mercantile intercourse. Made by Wm. Burbanke, archdeacon of Carlisle, and Robt. Toneys, canon of York, the 12th April 1520, in a certain chapel in the royal manor house of Greenwich; present, Thos. cardinal of York, Thos. earl of Surrey, Sir Thos. Lovell, Sir Edw. Ponynges, Sir Hen. Marney, Sir Ric. Weston, Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam, Sir Ric. Jernyngham and Sir John Daunce.
14 April.
Mon. Habs.
The letters of the bishop of Elna will have informed the Emperor of the state of the affairs entrusted to the bishop, especially of the negotiations for the interview. He will have learned, by those sent by Wm. des Barres and others since, the conclusion taken for the interview between Francis and Henry VIII., and the conferences thereon held with the Cardinal since the Bishop received his powers to treat for the interview. Wolsey, on hearing that the powers were general, and enabled them to treat for the renewal or modification of former treaties, proposed to Helna and La Sauch to reduce to writing both the articles of the treaty for the interview and of the treaty of mercantile intercourse, which will expire on the 24th of January next, urging that on its expiration the treaty of 1506 would become binding for ever. On the arrival of La Roche and the Audiencer on the 3rd of April, Helna and La Sauch informed them fully of those affairs. Next day, they were all sent for by the Cardinal, to whom, after presenting the letters of Charles and Madame, they said that Charles would prove himself grateful for the favors continually shown him, and hoped Wolsey would continue those favors.
Then conferred with him upon the articles drawn up for the interview, which was arranged to be held either at Sandwich in the middle of May, or between Calais and Gravelines at the end of July. Could not get the term for the first interview extended to the whole month of May, because the king of England was already bound to be at Guisnes on the 31st, and the French King had refused to prolong the term on account of his queen being near her delivery. Told Wolsey it would be very advisable to add some points to the treaty for the interview, with a view to secure more firmly the amity of the two princes, and especially to confirm the treaty of October 1516 made by the late Emperor with the king of England. At first Wolsey appeared quite agreeable to his proposal, but then suddenly changed, saying it would require to be well thought over. Nevertheless, after a good deal of discussion, he was willing that an article should be inserted in the treaty for the interview, sc., that former treaties should remain in force so far as that treaty did not interfere with them. He continually insisted that the treaty of 1506 would take effect from the expiration of the last five years' term, but after several remonstrances was willing that the last provision should be prolonged for 20 years. He said if we desired to treat without dissimulation, it would be needful to provide that the subjects on either side should communicate freely, and that if we refused it his master could not believe that they trusted him.
Have thus been obliged to pass the prorogation for another five years. After a great deal of controversy Wolsey delivered to them articles conceived by himself for the interview, telling them to make what alterations they thought fit, and that he would examine them on Easter eve, and would take steps to get them passed by the King his master on the Monday following. On the morning of Easter eve he sent to tell them he had been so ill of colic the previous night that he could not see them till Monday. On Monday they waited on him with the articles, which they had put in writing, both for the interview and for the intercourse; for the latter they had only added one article to the treaty for the interview. With this he was not satisfied, and ordered the Master of the Rolls to draw up a treaty apart. He made some objections to the treaty for the interview; among others, that we had omitted to add a third way which had been proposed by the King, viz., that Charles, if he should pass by the coast of England after he has recrossed the sea and returned to his kingdom, at what season soever it might be, should be bound to land and salute him in some English port. This they resisted for several reasons, which did not satisfy him. He said the King expected it would have been passed without difficulty, and would think they distrusted him if he passed before an English port without salutation; that if they left out this condition he knew the King would not accept the other two. However, on representation that they had no powers to pass this article till they had an answer from the King Catholic, who had been written to on the subject by Elna, Wolsey declared the form that should be observed at the meeting, saying that he would give orders to some of the King's council to negotiate the articles with them.
The ambassadors immediately set to work to draw up the articles, and sent them next day to Wolsey for examination, who returned them the same day with a few corrections to be engrossed. The day after the ambassadors brought the articles engrossed to the Cardinal, who caused them to be collated in his presence with those drawn up by the English deputies; after which he said he thought it would be well to add other articles for the security of the two princes and their companies, if the interview should take place between Calais and Gravelines; which articles were immediately made in draft; and the ambassadors, seeing that they were of little importance, consented to their being added to the treaty. Next morning the ambassadors were conducted by the English deputies to dine with the King at Greenwich, and swear the said treaties. The King held a council, which lasted till three p.m.; after which Wolsey placed himself at the table, and caused the ambassadors to sit down with certain princes and lords, to whom he made good cheer. After dinner he retired again to the King his master. When he had been with him about an hour, the ambassadors were called. The King told them he was well pleased with their proceedings, except that he wondered that they had made so much difficulty about the third way, seeing that it had been proposed from the beginning; but as they had no answer from their master, he was satisfied without it; on the understanding, however, that if Charles should ever pass by England, he would not do him the dishonor to pass without saluting him.
Intimate this to Charles, to know what answer they shall make. The King then told them of the cordial love he had always borne to Charles, and the great pleasure he had taken in his prosperity; that he had endeavored to promote his honor more even than his father had done, and it stood to reason that he loved him all the more, now that he had become so powerful; that the alliance between the two Kings and their predecessors was so old that it could not fail; and, for his part, he was resolved to remain constant, and never to treat anything with the French or others which could be to the Emperor's prejudice. The King then retired, and the Cardinal conducted them to a chapel adjoining the King's chamber, where he caused the treaties to be sworn to in his presence, both by the ambassadors and by the English deputies. After the interchange of the letters Wolsey declared to them the great zeal he had always borne towards the Emperor's affairs, and said if they had sometimes not been so well managed as might have been, it had not been owing to him, but to the delays on the Emperor's part.
Sauch shall then say that the ambassadors have been induced to pass the said treaties for several reasons, and especially because they consider the friendship of England the most important, seeing that thereby they may gain the Pope, the Swiss and other powers, which might otherwise join his enemies, and make sure his affairs in Germany; that the conclusion of the said interview was the true way to gain the heart of the King of England, and prevent his doing anything to their prejudice. They have also considered the unreasonable terms that the French hold to Charles; and that the King is no wise bound by the said treaty if he do not choose to observe it, for he can easily allege some impediment as an excuse; but they would advise him to place full confidence in England, to communicate his affairs to Henry privately, and sometimes use his advice; and to begin, he may, if he please, agree to the third overture. Is to say also, that although the term of the first interview is limited to the middle of May, if the King of England should be informed a few days afterwards that Charles was at sea, and might land at Sandwich before he had crossed, he would wait for him from two to six days after the middle of May, or as long as he could without breaking his promise to the French. Also that the King of England has set guides all over his coasts, "jusques aux limites à l'opposite de la Quenoulle," to inform him of the first signs they see of Charles's fleet. As to the treaty of intercourse, the King and Wolsey have had it very much at heart, seeing the powers given by Charles extended generally for all treaties, and they would have had great difficulty in securing the other treaty without granting the intercourse. By agreeing to the continuance of the last arrangement they have provided against the treaty of 1506, which is much more prejudicial to Charles and his subjects. At present the time does not admit of their gaining any advantage from the English, but during the period of the continuance new arrangements may be made. La Sauch shall therefore request that ratification of the two treaties be despatched within the time appointed, and that the five vessels that Charles is to equip for his part to scour the seas as far as Hampton be ready in good time. He shall also speak of the good will borne by the English to Charles, their hatred of the French, and their dislike of the interview with France. He shall communicate these instructions, before seeing Charles, to the marquis d'Arschot, and present the letters of the ambassadors, requesting him to have regard to their labor in negotiating these matters, and shall tell him the gracious words spoken of him by the King and Cardinal. London, 14 April 1520.
"Illustrissime." The ambassadors of your redoubtable sovereign were lately here, to treat of various matters between his Majesty and my most serene master. I have frequently heard from them of your favorable disposition for binding their two majesties together in an indissoluble bond of amity. The same is most agreeable to my sovereign; and all my labors tend to this end. Spared no trouble to bring to a happy conclusion the proposed conference between the two Kings, considering it would tend to the quiet of Christendom. John do Shault can inform your Excellency how much pains I bestowed in bringing this meeting to a happy conclusion.
Lat., in Vannes' hand, p. 1.
15 April.
R. O.
Has not heard from him for many days, but understands that his couriers have arrived in England with the briefs and bulls, and that great preparations are being made for the meeting of the two kings. The Pope and himself are anxious to hear oftener from him. Don John Emmanuel arrived here on the 11th as ambassador from the Emperor and King Catholic, and visited the Pope on the following day, with ample powers.
As all negotiations between the Pope and the Emperor were interrupted on his appointment, and delayed till his arrival here, it is thought that by his mediation both parties will easily come to an agreement. Rome, 15 April 1520. Signed.
P.S.—Will follow Wolsey's instructions in the archbishop of Canterbury's affair.
Lat., pp. 2. Add.
15 April.
Vit. B. IV. 50.
B. M.
Understands by his letters of the xxii[ijth] the King's request for indulgences to the [church] of Canterbury. He and Campeggio will use their efforts accordingly, but have not as yet spoken to the Pope about it. The imperial ambassador has arrived. Reminds Wolsey that no letter has been sent to the Pope, or for the writer. Rome, 15 April [1520].
Lat., mutilated, p. 1.


1 A negative appears to be accidentally omitted, or else "m'a encoires mandé" is a misreading of "n'a encoires."
2 Close to, Fr.
3 Strype calls him the admiral of England. "then at Calais." I think it is clear that he has mistaken him for Bonnivet, admiral of France.