Milan
1472

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Institute of Historical Research

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Allen B. Hinds (editor)

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1912

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162-172

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'Milan: 1472', Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts in the Archives and Collections of Milan: 1385-1618 (1912), pp. 162-172. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=92258 Date accessed: 23 August 2014.


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1472

1472.
Sept. 20.
Sezione
Storica.
Autografi
Archivescovi.
Milan
Archives.
234. John, Archbishop of Armagh, to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Post plurimas in domino salutes. Nostis Illustrissime princeps quam difficile sit absque magna benevolentia maximisque sumptibus negotia Romam in curia expediri: Cum itaque diucius cogitare quo mediante principe facilius valerem mea Rome expedire negotia. duo mihi occurrerant in D.V. Illustrissima aptissima, unum quia totum novi esse V. D. Illustrissime, Summum patrem ac etiam Rev. Dom. Syxti Cardinalem, quos non solum rogare sed eis, ut ita dixerim, precipere potestis. Alterum quia nos etiam comodius possumus D. V. Illustrissime inservire quam alicui alteri domino. Enim in archiepiscopatu nostro maxima gradiariorum equorum (qui vulgo achinee appellantur) abundantia. Accepimus autem D. V. Illustrissimam pro more nobilissimorum principum admodum equis oblectari. Misimus itaque ad Romanam Curiam pro bullis nostris simul ac pallio dilectum nostrum fratrem Georgium de Macedonia, ordinis fratrum minorum, in artibus et sacra pagina pro sua etate peritissimum, cui et presentes dedimus huic D. V. Illustrissimum prout proprio ori quicquid dixerit credat et plenam adhibeat fidem. Rogamus itaque et obsecramus Illustrissimum D. V. ut omne auxilium et subsidium, quo ad poterit, velit nobis afferre si N. V. D. patrocinio possessio ne archiepiscopatus mei ante pascha obtinere potero: illico plures pulcherrimosque eligam equos illustrissime D. V. mittendos, neque id semel faciam. Coetera coram predicto presentium exhibitor. Valeat foelix V. Illustrissima Dom.
Ex Lundoniis die Vicesima Septembris MCCCCLXXII.
[Signed:] Johannes Archiepiscopus Armarchan. totius Hibernie primas manu propria scripsi.
Oct. 4.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
235. Pietro Aliprando to Master Symonetto, Councillor and Secretary of the Duke of Milan.
On my return from England, the fortune of the sea landed me at the camp of Burgundy. There the scarcity was so great that bread cost half a crown and water was sold like wine. The soldiers were living on fruit, and there was a great deal of dysentry. A small skirmish took place before Blangero. (fn. 1)
The Duke of Britanny has made a fresh league with the King of England though there has been some recrimination with the English (pur ze stato del bruto cum li Anglesi) since they number no more than 3,000 in all, and they have nothing and no money, although they talk of doing wonders, and say that within six months the king will come with his brother to Normandy, to which they will turn their thoughts again. I have spoken with them and every day I have understood less, except that they would make demands.
Troylo has equipped himself with 100 lances, through the efforts of the Venetian Ambassador, Leonardo Bembo, who is here with the Bishop of Capaz, Ambassador of King Ferrando, and the Bishop of Sebenigo on behalf of the pope, who is also a Venetian. (fn. 2) This prince is sending at present an envoy of his, Messer Guillelmo Rogeforti (fn. 3) to the Signoria for 3,000 ducats to pay 300 lances, and Troylo is going with him to bring Italian men-at-arms.
The Lord of la Grutus (fn. 4) has gone to the King of England to settle about their plans, and we understand that they will send a worthy embassy, though the Galicians capture ships at sea and no one can pass. The Ambassador of Britanny, indeed, has remained here to negotiate some truces.
Antwerp, the 4th October, 1472.
[Italian.]
Oct. 6.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
236. Marco Trotto, Milanese Ambassador in France to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
M. de Bressa and M. de Angera (fn. 5) told me that the agreement between the Most Christian and the Duke of Britanny is considered practically concluded, and further that the Duke of Britanny by the mediation of the brother of the King of England is negotiating a league between the king here and the King of England, and they do not doubt but that it will be realised. I will advise your Excellency if I hear any more.
Croy, the 6th October, 1472.
[Italian.]
Nov. 12.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
237. From the letters of Master Bernardo Bembo, Venetian Ambassador to the Duke of Burgundy.
A truce has been arranged between the King of the French and the Duke of Burgundy until the Calends of April. (fn. 6)
In the meantime they are to treat for a peace and composition.
Notwithstanding this the Duke of Burgundy is preparing for war next year.
The King of England is sending one of his brothers, the Duke of Gloucester or the Duke of Clarence with an army to the king and in this treaty of peace he means to ask for Normandy and Guienne as belonging to him.
The Duke of Britanny has concluded a truce for six weeks.
The Venetian triremes have arrived in England.
Bruges, the 12th November, 1472.
[Italian. Copy.]
Nov. 17
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
238. Pietro Blanco to Master Hieronymo Bonhauer, Secretary to the office of the Chiefs of the Greater Sestieri at the Rialto Venice.
In England they are at present holding the general parliament, and conclusion is expected from day to day. There is nothing certain as yet, but it seems that the English are disposed to do great things against the King of France, and it also seems that they mean to put a large force in Normandy at the cost of the island.
Bruges, the 17th November, 1472.
[Italian. Copy.]
Nov. 17
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
239. Pietro Blancho to Nicolao Grandiben, Secretary of the Venetians at Venice.
Our galleys arrived in England on the 1st inst. They are expected at Schinxe here at any moment. In London the parliament is making provision against the King of France if the duke here does not make peace, but if he does all the others will do the same. God in his mercy grant what is best for Christians.
Bruges, the 17th November, 1472.
[Italian.]
[1472.]
Nov. 25.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
240. Copy of the letters of Pietro Aliprando, from Gravelines on the confines of England, on the 25th of November to the Duke of Milan.
I will set forth briefly what has happened to me of late with the English. In the morning they are as devout as angels, but after dinner they are like devils, seeking to throw the pope's messengers into the sea (li quali sono tanto devoti, da matina como angeli, da poi disnanare sono diavoli, cercando gettare in mare li messi del papa).
I had experience of this these last months when I was at the port of Calais to pass to London, in the company of the ambassadors of the Duke of Burgundy and those of the King of Scotland, who came from the duke's camp. I was arrested as a messenger of the pope. They said that I brought briefs and bulls in favour of the Archbishop of York, Warwick's brother, detained by the king, who had sent them to prevent me from crossing, or any other person who came from Rome. When I perceived this, I protested that I had not come direct from Rome, and had nothing against the King. I offered to show them my letters and commissions, or else asked them to allow me to return, but they would not, saying that I should send for a safe conduct from the king. I showed them this and told them how I had been well received by his Majesty in England for more than forty days. At last, as the shortest way, I brought a horse to Bovere, and then with some servants and in disguise, I crossed the stream to this place of the duke on the frontiers of England. I made a vow to say the masses of St. Catherine, to-day being her feast; and at the altar I found this Martino, the courier, who will relate my case better by word of mouth.
Although I have sent to the king for a placet to cross, I shall reflect a long time before I put myself in the hands of the English again. I mean to excommunicate them and send the interdict, so that they may go to Rome for the trick they have played upon me.
It is reported that they have also arrested at Calais that cavalier, ambassador of the King of Scotland, to whom they had given a safe conduct. Thus they do not keep faith and are evil islanders, who are born with tails (sono mali insulani che nascono con la coda).
In reality I returned thither by letters of the king, to take an agreement and some sort of composition; but they suspected otherwise, so it would be well for something to happen to them, for the welfare of the apostolic see. The king made me great cheer, pressing for the deprivation of that good prelate whom he keeps in prison. I told him that I had no commission, but that was confided to the legate of France. I returned with his ambassadors and those of the Dukes of Britanny and Burgundy to the camp of the latter before Rouen, which was in such extreme want. I then proceeded to Bruges, Ghent and Brussels, in Flanders and Brabant, where the duchess and the grand chancellor (fn. 7) were established, who were pressing the people to obtain money. They made a good collection, of 140,000 leoni. Owing to this the people are discontented, perceiving that this rubric is a constant fever, and every year they have to pay loans and other charges beyond their power.
I returned to the duke's camp towards St. Quentin, (fn. 8) and found there an ambassador of Madame of Savoy, who was sick. In the event of his death, I was accepted by safe conduct of the constable in his town of Boam, where the duke pitched his camp, though he did no harm to the constable's land, only to those round about. Moreover the constable negotiated those truces which have been published for the whole of April next. But previously the French recovered St. Valery and all those towns towards Normandy, which the duke had taken, and they captured a fine booty of 30,000 crowns, which the Burgundians who were in garrison will pay. Although the Bastard of Burgundy has come here to make an expedition to recover them, he will do nothing.
For this winter, at any rate, it is enough that the English have cheated the duke, promising to send him men every day, while he had sent them money. But they did not choose to cross, and they are so bad that they cheat all the world with their eating and drinking (horamai per questa invernata basta che li Anglesi hanno truffato el duca, promettendo ogni jorno mandare gente et esso gli havea mandato denari: non hanno voluto passare et sono tanto cativi che truffano el mondo per suo manzare et bevere).
They are now engaged at London upon the great parliament of the three estates of England, to reform the kingdom; but so far they have done nothing but talk. (fn. 9) They devote every moment to gormandising (attendono ad papare ogn'hora).
Two ambassadors of the King of France are there, with those from Britanny and four from Burgundy. They solicit some distemper, offering Normandy and wonderful things. I think the duke has approved them, and if the English are not friends of the Flemings or Burgundians, yet he will now promise them many things, in order to induce them to make a landing, but perhaps they will cheat again (solicitando qualche malathia, offerendo la Normandia et mirabilia. El Duca credo li habia aprovati et si non sono amici de Flamenghi ne Bergognoni, ita de presente gli promettera molte cose per farli descendere, ma forsan anchora truffarano.)
The king can do no more as he is a tavern bush (el Re non po piu che e uno circulo ad tabernam.)
Those people still believe that another Warwick will arise, because they do not love this king, who gives them all the pleasures that he can in order to reign. At the present time he has remitted the spiritual to them, which is a great matter, so that they may give him 20,000 combatants, paid for a year, within six months, to cross over to France, as the king has sworn to do in person. But he will first decide about the regents and lieutenants to govern, so that he may not be overthrown by his brother the Duke of Clarence, who has Warwick's daughter to wife, and certainly things are doubtful and changeable in that realm, owing to its nature and for reasons that it would take too long to write (et quelli populi credano anchora debba resuscitare un altro Veruich; perche non amano questo Re, quale gli fa tutti li piaceri chel po per regnare et de presenti gli ha remesso el spirituale, che e una gran cosa, acio che gli dagano XXm combatanti, pagati per uno anno, fra sei mesi, per passare in Franza, come ha jurato el Re in persona propria, ma se consigliara prima delli rectori et locotenenti a regere, acio non gli sia accalata da quello suo fratello Duca de Clarenza, quale ha per donna la figliola de Verruich et certamente le cose sono dubii et mutabile in quello Reame per la natura sua et le rasone che saria longo scrivere).
But, to conclude, they threaten and talk freely, but do nothing, It is not possible to be certain of anything before the conclusion of this parliament. I hear that it will last another four months, possibly until Easter. For the present, at Calais, which is three leagues from here, they are expecting the king's great chamberlain, the Earl of Hastings, with 3,000 persons, not to succour Burgundy, but to form a fleet and scour the sea against the Easterlings of the King of Denmark, who cruise about Calais here with sixteen great armed ships, and plunder. For example, they have taken a ship with English cloth, worth 20,000 nobles, and they capture all the passages, seeking to avenge themselves for the plundering which the king caused to be committed against them while I was in London. They then caused all the goods of the Easterling merchants to be taken, amounting to 100,000 ducats, owing to evil information. (fn. 10)
It is thought that there will be another great war, except that the Duke of Burgundy has undertaken the task of bringing about an agreement between the king and the said Easterlings. The latter shelter in Holland, Flanders and other of the duke's dominions, and yet the English accuse the king of receiving them, and in secret they are not good friends, except to the extent of being the king's brother-in-law, and the king must do what the council and parliament decide (et pertanto li Anglesi imputano el Re che li accepta et nel secreto non sono boni amici, salvo in guanto cugnato del Re, che bisogna faza cio che delibera el consiglio et lo parlamento).
It is said that these Easterlings are in agreement with the French. If this is true, they will not come to terms with the English, because they are powerful at sea, and are all pirates who seek to plunder and avenge themselves. The English moreover have no fleet at sea, and the French have a strong one, and have taken many ships and prisoners and more than 120 fishing barks, which were catching herrings, and which they let go for 500 ducats each, amounting to 60,000 crowns. Indeed if they had done as much by land, the war would be over, but possibly latet anguis in herba. The constable commands the barques, and he has had a secret conference with the duke. It is even believed that he is making fresh plans owing to the threats of the English, so that the King of France may do the docebo.
Now, O my lord, because it is difficult to know the secrets of princes and, as your faithful servant and subject, I would rather be silent than he or write badly, with the loyalty and devotion that I owe as to my lord and god upon earth, I will do so as long as I live, trying to do my duty and give you truthful and agreeable advices and not mere phrases.
After the truces were made, the duke betook himself to Rax, two days' journey from here. It is expected that he will go to Builla and other towns in Picardy, to supply them with garrisons, and he is expected at Bruges for the Christmas festivities. However, I hear that there are four deputies on behalf of the King of France, to wit, the constable and three others; and four on behalf of the Duke of Burgundy, to wit, his grand chancellor, my lord of Chiveren, the ruler of Flanders, and Messer Philip of Cravacori. These deputies are to meet within a fortnight at the city of Amiens, two days' journey from here, to treat about a peace or a renewal of war. If this be true, I will go there for love of your Excellency, and advise you of what I hear. I have very good relations with some, who will not tell me fripperies, but will let me know the truth.
The son of Duke John has returned to Lorraine, until he will be sent for. When he was passing through the town of Namur the duke's daughter spoke with him recently at a nunnery. Some believe that it will all end in smoke, and that the English have become very suspicious. (fn. 11)
When I was speaking at Calais with that ambassador of the King of Scotland, who is detained, he told me that he went to the Duke of Burgundy to inform him that his king wished to have him for a good friend and kinsman. So he offered to come here in person to make a good peace with the King of France. This ambassador was desperate because those English have broken his safe conduct, and will not allow him to pass and return. I have been assured that if he had passed the sea he would have been murdered, not because the king intended it, but because some thought that he went to collect tenths (io sono stato certificato che se havesse passato el mare seria stato amazato, non gia de mente del Re, ma alcuni che credevano andasse per scodere decime.)
Although I am not at that parliament, I will try hard to learn what is decided, in such a way that I believe your Excellency will be satisfied, but they are so long and changeable that I do not know what to say except to obtain some of those nobles and ryals that they will not suffer to be taken out of the realm (salvo cavarne de quelli nobili et reali che non vogliono soffrire se portano fora del reame), and they consider all foreigners as mortal enemies, but in secret, the Burgundians most of all.
That king is indeed a most handsome, worthy and royal prince, the country is good, the people bad and perverse. To tell the truth I am but little better attached to him, as I have been his prisoner, and I have made a vow to return and possess those benefices and possessions which God and your Excellency granted to me, and I beg you to consider me as your good and faithful servant. If you think that it is useful and profitable for me to stay here or to return to report what I cannot very well write, I will do what you command. I will remain at the duke's court for all the month of January, taking measures against the English, who need rods for deeds and not talk. O my lord, when I speak of the English, your Excellency must understand those old prelates, abbots or other fat priests who rule the Council, and have represented to the king that he must have all who come from Rome arrested, with great shame of the Court. Accordingly I have written to the pope and to some cardinals, including Monsignor of Novara (mi tegniro nella corte del Duca per tutto lo mese de genaro, procedendo contra Anglesi, che vogliono bastoni per facti e non parole. Signore mio parlando de Anglesi, intenda V. Exellenza de quelli prelati veschi, abbati o altri preti grassi quali regeno el consiglio et hanno messo devanti al Re che faza arrestare tutti quelli vengono da Roma con grande vergogna della corte, secundo ho scripto al papa et alcuni cardinali, etiam a Monsig. de Novara.)
The King of England has had more than 20,000 ducats from the archbishop, Warwick's brother, whom he keeps in prison three miles from here. He was a great friend of the Greek Cardinal. (fn. 12) If he can succeed in escaping, he will yet accomplish something.
Troylo has left Bruges. He had money to go to Venice to get the rest and equip himself to return in April.
What I wrote about the new league I saw in a writing to the ambassador of England. It will be found effectively that those beaks will have to sing money. They do nothing but set things on fire, and give tributes and intrigues against my veracity. Your lordship will let them confound themselves in their own malice, although at Bruges they have his ambassador and another commissioner of the pope, who is a bishop, and he told the chancellor of Burgundy that I was of Milan. I only wish to live and die so, and I confessed so much to the King of England. The pope will be well advised to recall this bishop and entrust to me his commissions for indulgencies and pardons to raise money. It is enough that he has been here all the time of Pope Paul. Your Excellency has enough influence at the Court to get the pope at least to depute me as his commissioner at Bruges, upon the matter of the rock alum. I will perform the secret duty, and shall have a legitimate reason for remaining here and sending advices at any time. The Bishop of Capatra is still here, the ambassador of King Ferrando and colleague of the pope's commissioner. That other bishop is the mouthpiece of the ambassador, and would do a lot of mischief if he could, but he has no credit.
The Chancellor of Burgundy loves me and is a worthy sage, well fitted to negotiate the peace, if the duke recovers those towns of Picardy. But certainly nothing will be decided until the issue of the parliament of England, which is very important, since the ambassadors of France, Burgundy and Britanny are there, and I understand that they expect some from Portugal.
The duke's leading captains are the following:
The Bastard, his brother; my lord of Ravasteno; my lord of Marla; my lord of Rouzi, sons of the constable of France; my lord of Fienes; my lord of Crutux; the prince of Orenza; my lord of Monteacuto; my lord of Trabona; the soveran of Flanders; Messer Philip of Cravacori; Dom. Jacomo de piu Martinij. Dom. Oliveri de la Marche; Dom. de Miramondo; Dom. Jacopo de Sancto Polo; my lord of Chiverem, who was ambassador at Naples, all of whom I know and have had dealings with. His leading councillors are the following: the chancellor, the protonotary of Cluni, the judge of Besancon, the provost of Bruges. The audientiero is one Messer. Guilielmo Rugeforti, who was ambassador at Venice and is entirely devoted to him. He has now gone to England. Thus I know the whole troop from top to bottom, those who may serve your Excellency, and those who are opposed. My wit will suffice to bring some ship to the port of my lord's desire, and he may make proof of it any day.
I may report that in this war many noble cavaliers have perished, and it would be hard to say what has been gained; there has only been burning, wasting and destruction. The Easterlings and the French do better, as they take prisoners from the English to the tune of 4,000 ducats. The English are preparing a fleet at this moment against the Easterlings, who trouble the ports of England, and do things without talk, plundering some ship every day.
The King of France pro forma offers to hand over the Duchy of Aquitaine and the country of Poitou to the King of England. The duke here promised these to the Duke of Britanny. So this will cause discord in the parliament, as Burgundy desires to cut down the Duchy of Normandy. He also desires that Flanders and all his dominions may be exempt from the parliament of Paris and from the Crown of France, to which the king cannot consent. Sic disputant consiliarii Brugundie nec plura etc.
Gravelines, the 25th November.
[Italian; copy.]
[1472.]
Nov. 25.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
241. Pietro Aliprando to Dom. Cycho Simoneta, Councillor and Secretary of the Duke of Milan.
I left with the ambassadors of Burgundy to return to England to arrange some compensation and composition with that king, who loves me and gives me some credit (a proidre certi compensa he compositione cum quello Re che mi ama, e crede qualche cossi), but those prelates, his councillors, sent to the port of Calais to have me arrested and do as your Magnificence will see by the enclosed. I am ready to serve you and have already done much service. I am known now in England and even more by the Duke of Burgundy. I do not accept to stay there because by nature they do not love foreigners. Upon my life I have not been able to pass to England and London, to that great parliament. I have come here where I can learn every day what the English are doing. I have sent a servant to the king about getting a safe conduct.
Gravelines, the 25th November.
[Italian.]
[1472.]
Dec. 6.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
242. Pietro Aliprando to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
We are still awaiting news of the parliament of the English, which is prorogued. They have decided upon a war with France. They threaten freely but do nothing. Of a truth, O my lord, all is not well between the Duke of Burgundy and the King of England, on account of the duchess, who did not go to her husband a virgin, and they are certainly trying to play a trick upon my master (per certo, signore mio, non e del bono fra duca de Bergogna Re de Ingliaterra per la duchessa, che non vene ad marito pucella et ben cercano di calarla al mio signore.)
However, the Duke of Burgundy….
The English are trying for a council against the pope, who keeps a commissioner here who is the cause of the mischief. The Duke of Burgundy has gone so far as to say that he will not give obedience, and he has torn up the articles about the rock alum which he made with Pope Paul.
There are embassies here from Britanny and Bourbon, who in league with the Duke of Burgundy, Savoy, Britanny, Spain and the King of England are agitating to have a council, if the pope will not give the commission of alum in place of this one.
I will serve your Excellency without guile, because I understand the intrigues, whether you prefer me to stay here or return to you, to whom I commend myself beseeching you to provide me with some benefice, as a good and faithful servant.
The Duke of Burgundy says he will not accept Rouen as legate; he is much annoyed, and wants a cardinal of Burgundy.
Abbeville, the 6th December.
[Italian.]
1472.
Dec. 14.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
243. Giovanni, Archbishop of Novara, and Gio. Andrea Cagnola, Milanese Ambassadors to the Papal Court, to the Duke of Milan.
We have news here that in England a parliament has assembled in which it seems they have resolved to give the King of England 12,000 persons to attack the King of France, paid for one year, besides those troops which the king may subsequently raise on his own account. The Cardinal [of Rouen] (fn. 13) asserts this and says that he does not at all like these truces for so short a time, because it only means that they give the king's enemies time to rest and to make preparations, as they do.
Rome, the 14th December, 1472.
[Italian.]
Dec. 31.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
244. Pietro Aliprando to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The King of England has made my lord of la Grutux, first ambassador of Burgundy, Earl of Vuigestri, and has given him a cup of gold with 300 nobles. To the other ambassador, Master William Rupeforti, he gave a cup with 200 reals, and to the other ambassadors 100 reals each.
Master George Bardo and Master Vax have gone as ambassadors to Scotland. Immediately after this the duke here will send the same William Rupeforti, a great orator and his devoted friend, to Venice for the yearly pension.
Your Excellency knows how this world is all envy. Certainly at this Court it is very great, and if the cardinal had dealings here with some to help them in certain secret intrigues, they would show this. Your Excellency will pardon me if I am lengthy and prolix. The machine of state of the prince here is certainly great, and there are many secret intrigues. We shall see the English skip, if they are carried into effect (certamente e grande la impresa del stato de questo signore et e de molte intelligentie secrete. Vedremo le ballate degli Inglesi sa le venerano a fare fati.)
I am not going to England, as I can watch this parliament from Bruges. I am awaiting some secret courier, to wit the one whom Martino da Sexto spoke of here in the house of Thomas Portenaro. Will your lordship be so good as to get Chicceto, his brother, to write here that he shall provide for my wants.
On Christmas day the duke here made two English Knights, and wore his handsome clasp in his cap. On St. Stephen's day he wore a garland of pearls, and a knob, surrounded by a gold band. On St. John's day he wore the magnificent sapphire in his cap, with a fine diamond. The duchess celebrated the festivities at Ghent, and is expected when the duke has gone to Zeeland in four days' time; but he will return on the 13th of January, which is the day that the parliament meets, when we may hear something.
The duke is very anxious to have two Burgundian cardinals, and has asked the pope. They will be the Bishop of Machono, the chancellor's brother, who is staying at Rome, and the protonotary of Cluny, whom the duke says was created by Pope Paul. (fn. 14) Thus I shall hear everything.
The duke has shown many of his jewels to the ambassadors, during these feast days and he is sending presents to Venice by the Ambassador, Dom. William Rupeforta, to urge the coming of the fleet.
Bruges, the last day of December, 1472.
[Italian.]

Footnotes

1 Blangy, Pas de Calais. The duke was there on the 11th September. Comines. Memoires, ed. Jean Godefroy, iv, page 382.
2 The Venetian Ambassador was Bernardo Bembo (Venetian Calendar, i, page 129). The other two are Francisco Bertini, Bishop of Capaccio, and Luca di Tollenti, Bishop of Sebenico.
3 Guillaume de Rochefort, subsequently Chancellor of France, sent by the Duke of Burgundy to Italy.
4 Louis of Bruges, Lord of la Gruthuyse; he was created Earl of Winchester and allowed to quarter a leopard of England on his arms.—Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1467–77, page 338.
5 M. de Bresse is Philip of Savoy, Lord of Bresse. Cardinal Balue, Bishop of Angers, was in prison at this time and it hardly seems possible that he can be meant.
6 The truce was signed on the 3rd Nov. It is printed in Lenglet's edition of Comines' Memoires, iii, pages 231–3.
7 Hugonet, Chancellor of Burgundy.
8 The Duke of Burgundy was in the neighbourhood of St. Quentin between the 12–16th October. Comines: Memoires, ed. Jean Godefroy, vol. iv, page 382.
9 The English parliament was opened on the 6th October.
10 The Easterlings were condemned on 21st November, 1468, in a suit in London to pay 13,520l. to some English merchants.—Ramsay: Lancaster and York, ii, page 395.
11 Nicholas of Calabria, Marquis of Pont, son of John of Calabria and grandson of Rene of Anjou, accompanied Charles the Bold on his campaign in Normandy and Picardy, leaving him to return to Lorraine on the 5th November, 1472. He had contracted a marriage with Anne of France; daughter of Louis XI, but on the 24th May, 1472, he renounced the French connection and made an alliance with Burgundy: on the 13th June following he was promised Charles's daughter Mary, but on the 5th November this was broken off by both parties. Comines: Memoires, ed. Mandrot, vol. i, pages 188, 229.
12 Johannes Bessarion, Bishop of Nicea, created Cardinal by Pope Eugenius IV, in December, 1439. He had been sent by Pope Sixtus IV to effect a reconciliation between France and Burgundy. George Nevill, Archbishop of Canterbury, was arrested in April, 1472, and sent across the channel, where he was imprisoned either at Guisnes or Hammes. Ramsay: Lancaster and York, vol. ii, page 415.
13 Guillaume d'Estouteville, Archbishop of Rouen and Cardinal.
14 Philibert de Hugonet, Bishop of Macon, was created cardinal in 1473; Ferry de Cluny, protonotary of the Holy See did not receive the red hat until 1480.


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