Milan
1479

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Institute of Historical Research

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Allen B. Hinds (editor)

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1912

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230-242

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'Milan: 1479', Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts in the Archives and Collections of Milan: 1385-1618 (1912), pp. 230-242. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=92264 Date accessed: 24 July 2014.


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1479

1479.
March 11.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
351. Giovanni Angelo de Talentis, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The pope has rejoiced greatly over two letters, one from the Milan King of Naples, urging him to stand firm to his design and assuring him of victory, the other from the community of Avignon stating that the Most Christian King has assured them that the disturbances (novita) committed in the district of Venusa by the Gascon captain (fn. 1) and that other Englishman are against his wishes and therefore he has banned them as rebels for such disorders. They also say that the Captain Ancheles has contracted a friendship with the said community and they have taken a Florentine who lived a long while at Avignon, as a revealer of the secrets of the community.
Rome, the 11th March, 1479.
[Italian.]
March 14.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
352. Giovanni Andrea Cagnola and Carolo Visconti, Milanese Ambassadors at the French Court, to Bona, Duchess, and Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The Most Christian King, who at present is at Euforges (fn. 2) , sent yesterday for all of us ambassadors of the most illustrious league. Count Boffillo, (fn. 3) on his Majesty's behalf, informed us that ambassadors had come from the King of England, who had been to audience of his Majesty and heard about that; and some of them had come about the dowry which they desire his Majesty to make up for the daughter of the King of England, promised at another time to my lord the Dauphin, according to the arrangements, and his Majesty had referred them here to his Council to examine their claims. One of them had come to communicate to his Majesty the views of the King of England: firstly, that he would like his Majesty to remain in concord with Duke Maximilian, and that his Majesty would allow him to interpose to settle their differences. He also thought he would like to send to the pope and exhort him to pacify Italy, owing to the great perils which his Majesty perceives for the Christian religion, when the Turk is at the gates of Italy and so powerful, as every one knows. If the pope should fall in with this that king is disposed to follow the advice and opinion of his Majesty.
The count said that his embassy was very grateful to his Majesty, but perceiving that these ambassadors were not very well informed about the justification for the League, the king spoke at length in its justification. The count further said that in his Majesty's opinion we ought all to go and visit these ambassadors, and, after doing what is proper, we should go into this subject and make them see clearly the reasons justifying the league, and that all the wrong is on the side of its opponents, and if it rested with the league alone, peace would be made, especially as the league provides in itself both safety and honour, practically hinting that those ambassadors had been made to understand otherwise.
After he had finished speaking we answered, thanking his Majesty warmly, in the first place for all he had done, for the reminders he had given and for taking the part of the league. We knew that it all proceeded from the great affection and kindness that his Majesty bears for our league, and we readily offered to go to the ambassadors whenever his Majesty pleased, to make them fully understand our justification, which we hoped would be made quite clear.
Accordingly, after dinner on that very day, all we ambassadors of the league went to visit the said Ambassadors of England, accompanied by Monsig. de San Pero, Grand Constable of Normandy, (fn. 4) and by the same Count Boffillo. The ambassadors received us honourably, and with good cheer, and we visited them in the name of the most illustrious league. After the conventional part we turned adroitly to the subject of our differences in Italy, beginning with the strange proceedings (novita) at Florence, and going on to point out all the evil behaviour of which the pope and King Ferrando were guilty against the Signory of Venice, aganist your Excellency and against the Signory of Florence, giving a detailed account of all the things perpetrated at Florence by commission of the pope, all of which had been proved by the confession of Giovanni Baptista de Montesecho. (fn. 5) In addition to this, we made them understand the injustice of the bull of interdict against Florence, as well as its nullity, showing them the duly sealed opinions of some distinguished doctors. We ended by stating that despite the most atrocious injuries received by the league, yet for the welfare of the Christian faith it was nevertheless content to have peace. Notwithstanding that it may expose itself to some blame, it has sent its ambassadors to the pope, with suitable orders for concluding peace, together with the ambassadors of the Most Christian King, to whom the league has referred everything, so that it may be known to all the world that this league, which was formed chiefly for the peace of Italy, is most disposed to peace, provided one can be made upon honourable terms and free from snares; and if it has to go to war, it will be from necessity and because it was forced. We further told them that we were greatly delighted that their king had also deigned to offer his interposition, especially as it was done in full accord with the king here, as we were given to understand.
The ambassadors replied very graciously that they were pleased to see us and were very glad to have heard our justification, as well as our good disposition towards peace, and that the one of them who spoke, who is a doctor, has a commission from his king to go to the pope to advise him to make peace, and so have his colleagues who have gone on before, and so we may look for it in Italy. He says that his king, having a thorough and real friendship and understanding with the king here, directed him to come here first to communicate everything to his Majesty and learn his opinions and suggestions about it, and then to go on immediately, as he says he will do.
We expect they will take the route through Milan and Florence.
After our embassy Count Boffillo told us about the subject of interposing for a composition between his Majesty and Duke Maximilian, and the Flemish people etc. He said that it pleased his Majesty greatly, but he did not give them any definite reply, before he had come here and spoken with us on the subject. However, he said that even if no steps are taken in that direction, he would like them to be present at everything to hear his justification, which he wishes all the world to hear.
If we hear anything further from his Majesty upon this, we will immediately advise your Excellency.
Tours, the 14th March, 1479.
[Italian.]
March 16.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
353. Giovanni Andrea Cagnola, Milanese Ambassador at the French Court, to Bona Sforza, Duchess of Milan.
After I had written the accompanying letter Count Boffillo went this morning to the house of the Venetian Ambassador, accompanied by Messer Lodovico Totino, Master of Accounts and Secretary, (fn. 6) whom his Majesty has appointed to go to Rome with the Ambassador of England. He first offered excuses for not being able to bring us other ambassadors, but he would report everything to his Majesty and afterwards confer with us others, as he did at once. He told us that he had orders from his Majesty together with Monsignor de San Pero (fn. 7) to make out a commission for Messer Lodovico. The substance of this is that their two ambassadors shall go with all possible speed to Rome, to urge, beseech and advise the pope and King Ferrando to make peace with the League of Italy at all hazards, because this was highly necessary for the welfare of Christendom, and it was also the intention of the two kings, advising them at the earliest opportunity to remove all causes of offence and ecclesiastical censures and all the differences between them. They will be asked to agree to refer these differences to his Majesty, as a good and friendly adjudicator or as a true judge, and to remember how prompt his predecessors and his Majesty himself have been for the welfare and honour of the church of God. If it is necessary for any humiliation to be made by the Magnificent Lorenzo, his Majesty will promise that everything which is honest shall be done.
The count further told us that he had instructions to command this ambassador on behalf of his Majesty to declare to the pope and King Ferrando and all the others the love, good-will and strong bond that unites the two kings, and what one wills the other wills also (degiarisse al Papa et al Re Ferrando et a tuti li altri in quanto amore et benevolentia et ligame questi duy Signori Re herano convenuti insiema et quel voliva l'uno voliva l'altro).
He is also to declare and confirm to all that his Majesty is entirely at one with the League of Italy.
The count further said that, his majesty having heard of the peace made between your ladyship and the Turk, crossed himself three times, saying, This is good news, and he knelt and kissed a Madonna, which he wears in his cap, an action customary with his Majesty when he hears any good news. The count finally said that he wished to go to draw up these instructions, and that done and despatched he will send a copy, which we will forward to your lordship at the earliest moment.
These Ambassadors of France and England will set out to-morrow or the day after with this despatch. I believe that one of the chief reasons for this command is to let everybody know that this king has a good friendship and understanding with the King of England. He considers that this brings him great reputation, and is a thing which keeps his enemies cast down, otherwise they might concoct plans to strike at him through the English, if he waged war against the Duke Maximilian and the Flemish people (credo che anche la principal causa de questa mandata sii per fare intendere ad omne homo che questo Seresissimo Re habi bona amicitia et intelligentia col prefato Re d'Inghilterra. Et che par gli cede a gran reputatione et he cosa che tene sbatuti li inimici soy che forsi fano de li designi de percottere sua Maesta con la via de Inglesi quando quella movesse guerra contra el ducha Maximiliano et populi Fiamenghi).
There is no doubt but that he will come off victorious against the Flemings, owing to the great preparations he had made and keeps making, not having any anxiety on the side of England. This also is a matter of importance to our most illustrious league in the way of prestige, and in this also his Majesty shows himself at one with it.
Tours, the 16th March, 1479.
[Italian.]
March 16.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
354. Instructions to Master Loys Touscen, of what he has to do when going to Rome in the company of Monsignor the Doctor of England. (fn. 8)
Firstly, on the whole journey, so long as you are in this realm, you will have every proper honour shown to him, and the same in Italy.
Again, if you meet the ambassadors on the way you will give them the letters which the king writes to them, and you will learn from them what they have done, informing the doctor; and you altogether with the doctor will decide upon what he will have to do in that direction.
Again, the king's intention is to make peace in Italy, so as to be able to make provision against the infidels and to put a stop to the wars.
Again, if our holy father the Pope, King Ferrando and others desire to make complaints about the Florentines or others of the League of Italy, the king our lord, together with the King of England, will undertake to see that right is done to each of the parties, according to what is honest and reasonable.
Again, you will announce to everyone where you go that the king our lord and the King of England are both of the same mind and intention.
Again, you will remain in the doctor's company so long as he wishes it, and you will keep him informed of events there.
Again, if the ambassadors are on that side, you will get them to do all that you have in commission, and other matters according to what the king may write to them.
Again, the said Master Loys Touscen will tell Monsignor d'Arpagon, the President of Toulouse, (fn. 9) and the other ambassadors recently sent by the king to our holy father, that in whatever place we may be we expect, without their going away, news of what the Ambassador of England has done there with our holy father.
Again, when passing through Milan and Florence, he will learn from Madame of Milan and her Council and also from the Magnificent Lorenzo and the Signory of Florence, what they think ought to be done about these affairs, and he will act in accordance with what he finds to be the views of the said Madame and her Council and those of the Signory of Florence and their Council, and not otherwise, as well in taking truces as in the duration and conditions of the same, because the king does not intend to operate in any other way.
The 16th March, 1478.
Signed: Boffili de jud. ex mandato domini nostri regis.
[Italian.]
April 16.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
355. Giovanni Andrea Cagnola, Milanese Ambassador at the French Court, to Bona, Duchess and Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The English ambassadors here will leave in two or three days, being despatched about their embassies, though not altogether as they wish. In the first place, with regard to their request for the dowry to be made up for the king's daughter promised to my lord the Dauphin, as I have reported before, the Most Christian King refers the question to his Council, so that he may decide quid juris, because there was a point of right. It was ultimately decided that his Majesty is not bound to make up any dowry at present and so he answered the ambassadors to that effect. However, he gave them a thousand fair words, as well as hopes, although, from what I understand, the king is firmly resolved that the marriage shall not take place, and so he temporises until such time as he shall have worked out his plans (licet, per quanto intendo, el Re he de firma dispositione chel mariagio non habia loco, pur temporegia per fin habia facto li facti soi).
Upon another marriage asked for the daughter and sister of your Excellencies, his Majesty told them that he will send one of his subjects to their king to learn what he will decide upon this matter, or to ask first how much dowry he will want, or to wish to have information about the beauty of the girl. In this matter also, although up to the present he speaks the King of England fair, yet, according to what his own people tell me, it is with the intention that no conclusion shall follow in this either (et in questo facto etiam, tutavia da parolle al prefato Re d' Inghilterra usque quo, con intentione pero, secondo me dicono questi soy, che sopra do non ne segui concluxione veruna).
They presuppose that in negotiating such things, owing to the difficulties in the way, the journeys being very long, a great deal of time will be lost in receiving replies to the letters that are written. The king here will have to work out his plans, and the chief difficulty which they speak of will be owing to the great quantity of money which the King of England will want from your Excellency for the dowry and for presents, as they say he knows that you have a great treasure, and he proposes in this way to obtain a good share of it, as being one who in any case tends to accumulate treasure. They presuppose that your Excellencies will not humour this appetite of his, and that will be the way to create great difficulties in this question and spin it out indefinitely, because they say that the King of England does not desire to make this marriage alliance for any other purpose than to obtain a great quantity of money from your Excellencies, and so it causes much more umbrage to the king here, because he knows of this great appetite for accumulating money, and that in time it may redound to his hurt (la principalle difflculta che dicono costoro che gli sera, ha ad essere per la gran quantita de dinari voria el prefato Re de Inghilterra da Vostra Excellenza per dote, et de presenti, perche dicono chel sa che quelle hano gran thexoro, fa pensiere con questa via de haverne una bona parte como quello che tutavia tends a thesaurizare: a questo suo appetito se presuppone che Vostre Exellenze non condescendarano et questa sera la via de difficultare multo questa materia et renderla tandem senza confine, perche dicono chel prefato Re d'Inghilterra non desidera de fare questo parentato ad altro affecto che per havere da Vostre Exellenze gran quantita de dinari, et che da etiam multo piu umbreza a questo Serenissimo Re per conoscere questo suo grande apetito de comulare dinari et che col tempo gli poria redundare in danno).
Monsignor d'Argenton advised me of all these things, and I have thought it proper to impart it to your Excellencies, so that you might be acquainted with everything.
I was in the company of these English ambassadors one day lately. They spoke of this marriage alliance, and asked me how you, most illustrious lady, were disposed towards it. I answered that I did not know the will of your Excellency in this because I had no instructions about it, but I knew full well, from your being so good and loving a daughter of the Most Christian King here in every action that you ever did, that you would always follow his Majesty's advice, and with this generality I got out of it (me ne passay). This satisfied both Monsignor d'Argenton and the Count Boffilio, who were present, and who had asked me on his Majesty's behalf to say this. Thus your Excellencies understand everything, and I know that you will be able to manage this business adroitly and wisely, so as to serve the thing done and that the king here may carry out his plan. This seems to me most necessary, especially in these times.
To the third request of these English ambassadors about the desire of their king to interpose to settle the differences between this king and the Flemings, they have made answer in a polite manner that they do not wish him to act.
To the fourth about his desire to interpose in conjunction with this king to bring about a settlement of the Italian difficulties they have received satisfaction, as your Excellencies will have learned by my other letters, and with this despatch they will leave.
As I have written before, the Florentine ambassador requested his Majesty to write to the Bailly of Lyons to notify the Genovese merchants there that if the Genoese take action against your Excellencies and the Florentines, such measures will be taken against the Genoese dwelling at Lyons that they will repent etc. Accordingly his Majesty wrote to the Bailly to that effect, and that official acted in conformity; and so the merchants have written to Genoa. Wherefore the Doge and Anziani have written to the Lieutenant and Council of Lyons in the manner shown by the enclosed copy. They have also written in a similar form to his Majesty the king, but I have not been able to obtain a copy of that.
Tours, the 16th April, 1479.
[Italian.]
May 8.
Potenze,
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
356. Giovanni Angelo di Talentis, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The Ambassadors of France and England here … (fn. 10) that they would demand of the Pope the remission of the treaty of the peace to their masters the Kings of France and England. (fn. 11) If this remission is demanded it cannot produce good results at the present time, as I have previously written to your Excellencies.
Rome, the 8th May, 1479.
[Italian.]
May 12.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
357. Giovanni Angelo di Talentis, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Monsigr. de Ambres, one of the French ambassadors, told me that in order to give some satisfaction to the King of Naples he thought it would be advisable for the League to allow one of the French ambassadors and one of the English to go and assure the king that they would press the Pope to get this peace made. The President of Toulouse, another of the French ambassadors, lets it be understood that he has had a long conversation in private with his Holiness. He advised him to find some way of concluding the peace. His master would be ill-pleased if the peace were lost, and if the town was surrendered [by the Florentines] peace would ensue. If it were not restored the Pope should remove the interdict and excommunication and demand that the differences of Italy should be referred to his master and the King of England, and if the parties agreed to this he felt sure that the town would be restored.
One of the English ambassadors assembled all of us ambassadors of the League and those of the Most Christian King at the Minerva, and with a great flow of language protested against the French ambassadors saying, that he saw this matter leaned rather to war than to peace; they only asked that these differences should be referred to the Kings of France and England, and protest that if by their act this referring of the matter breaks down it will be a slight upon the honour of the two kings. We ambassadors of the League reminded them that they had been sent by their sovereign to Italy for the benefit of the League, and we did not wish to ask the matter to be so referred as it would upset all negotiations for peace; we would ask them to wait and in due time we would let them know if there was anything to be done and when it was opportune to do it. Thus we appeased them with fair words. I fear that this may have been done by arrangement and in concert with the French ambassadors in order to induce the Florentines to give up the town more readily. I consider this most unlikely for reasons which I have given.
Rome, the 12th May, 1479.
[Italian.]
May 24.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
358. Giovanni Angelo di Talentis, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Yesterday at the 20th hour all we ambassadors had audience of the Pope, of France, England, the emperor, Duke Maximilian, Naples and Siena; San Vitale and San Giorgio also being present. He complained of the limit of time set and expressed the utmost readiness for peace. He asked us not to obstruct his pastoral office of correcting faults. We replied that the term of eight days had been set because of the imminent danger of an incursion by our enemies. The President of Toulouse declared that peace ought to be made, and if any difficulty remained his Holiness should refer it to the Kings of France and England. The emperor's ambassador on the other hand demanded that it should be referred to his master and not to the two kings. The Pope said it did not become the dignity of the apostolic see to refer it to anyone, because pontifex a nemine debet judicari, but he would confer with his venerable brethren. We Ambassadors of the League, seeing his Holiness disinclined to refer the matter and the dispute between the imperial and the French and English ambassadors, said nothing on the subject, but decided not to depart from our commission if we were asked about referring the matter. The Pope then dismissed us all. From what we hear, he considers the treaty of peace as broken off.
Rome, the 24th May, 1479.
[Italian.]
May 27.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
359. Giovanni Angelo Di Talentis, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
One of the English ambassadors, the one who passed through Milan, has gone to Naples nobis insciis. The French ambassadors have made a great show for one of them to go there too. Yesterday they were inclined not to go, but to-day, against our advice, Monsr. de Ambres started to go there.
Rome, the 27th May, 1479.
[Italian.]
[1479.
June.]
Trattati,
Milan
Archives.
360. To the Duke and Duchess of Milan, and to the Magnificent Dom. Cicho Symonete, their Councillor and Secretary. (fn. 12)
Fundamenta mandatorum et instructionum spectabilium oratorum Christianissimi Regis Francorum ad summum Pontificem delegatorum pro pace Italie componenda per Magnificos oratores Illustrissime Lige in curia ipsius Christianissimi Regis existentes fuerunt duo principalia:
Primum ad petendum remissionem ipso Regi Christianissimo fieri, quodque interim fieret treuga et illa pendente armorum deposito et censurarum ecclesiasticarum suspensio.
Secundum ad fines ut illi perfido Turco posset resisti armaque ipsa contra eum converterentur et una bona expeditio contra ipsum Turcum fieret et hoc totum ad requisitionem et de consensu Illustrissime lige et de hoc constat:
In quantum vero attinet ad prosecutionem per ipsos oratores Christianissimi Regis de his rebus factam in curia Romana noverunt Magnifici oratores Illustrissime Lige qui fuerunt in curia Romana, sine quorum voluntate consensu et ordinatione ipsi oratores Christianissimi Regis nihil fecerunt usque ad adventum Magnificorum oratorum Serenissimi Regis Anglie, et Magistri Ludovici Toustan Regis Christianissimi consiliarii et secretarii qui novas instructiones et mandata ipsorum serenissimorum Regum portarunt continentes in effectum ut ipsi communes oratores utrunque Regis remissionem ipsis regibus per summum pontificem fieri postularent quodque interim fieret treuga per certum temporis spacium.
Super quibus novis instructionibus ipsi oratores Christianissimi Regis consultarunt Magnificos oratores Illustrissime Lige, qui responderunt prius pacem prosequi debere cum treuga sit extremum pacis et quando pax fieri non posset tunc locus esset hanc petitionem remissionis facere. Cui responsioni ipsi oratores Christianissimi Regis tanquam bone et rationabili annuerunt, obtemperarunt et semper pacem prosecuti fuerunt.
Supervenit vero ultimum mandatum Illustrissime Lige que infra octo dies summus pontifex haberet pacem facet et concludere cum prioribus mediis et oblationibus per ipsam factis alias que ipsi Magnifici oratores Illustrissime Lige recederent bellumque fieret ad extirpandum malas herbas Italie etc.
Cumque prioribus diebus Magnifici oratores Serenissimi Regis Anglie magnas instantias ipsis oratoribus Christianissimi Regis super dicta remissione postulanda fecissent, tunc cum duplicatis instantiis et requisitionibus fecerunt et protestati fuerunt contra ipsos oratores Christianissimi Regis qui consultatione precedente cum omnibus oratoribus in forma honesta et debita in scriptis redacta cum ipsis oratoribus Serenissimi Regis Anglie pacem absolute postularunt et super differentiis que possent esse inter partes remissionem fieri ipsis Regibus requisiverunt.
Lapsis autem octo diebus, prefatis oratoribus Illustrissime Lige prefixis, et die Lune ultima Maii, summus pontifex in scriptis tradidit eis suam responsionem in effectu continentem post suas justificationes, quod attento quod ipsi Magnifici oratores Illustrissime Lige nunquam particulariter suis petitionibus respondere voluerunt nec venire ad aliqualem disceptationem illarum si erant rationabiles vel non eisque sepenumero obtulisset ut videretur que essent rationabiles et que non et quod rationabiles acceptarentur et minus rationabiles rejicerentur, oblationesque facte per eos generales obscure et minus suficientes ac honorifice ecclesie et apostolice sedi existerent et quod pejus erat terminum octo dierum sibi prefixerant ad concludendum pacem sic illam vicario Christi precipiendo etc. que nunquam faceret etiam si mitram et papatum perdere deberet etc. Sed si volebant venire ad bonas conditiones pacis contentus erat ut supra. Cumque ipsi oratores responderent quod sub pena capitis habebant in mandatis recedere tunc summus pontifex dixit eis: quod si nollebant aliud facere possent recedere quando vellent.
Et videntes ipsi oratores Serenissimorum Regum Francie et Anglie interruptionem pacis esse hincinde factam remissionem ipsis Regibus fieri postularunt in forma honesta et debita ut supra in scriptis redacta que videatur.
Summus autem pontifex respondit quod super dicta remissione si fieri deberet et posset consilium cum sacro collegio haberet et responsionem ipsis oratoribus faceret; quam post duos dies fecit in scriptis, videlicet, remissionem predictam ipsis Regibus et uni legato per ipsum ad Regem Christianissimum destinando fecit. Et casu quo concordari non possent quod imperator et Dux Maximilianus adderentur seu additi exnunc intellegerentur quodquidem compromissum duraret per temporis spacium arbitrio ipsorum Regum et legati statuendum quo pendente arma deponerentur hicinde et censure ecclesiastice suspenderentur. Et quia dicti Magnifici oratores Illustrissime Lige asseruerunt non habere potestatem consentiendi nisi in persona regis Christianissimi, summus pontifex dedit eis spacium quinque septimanarum ad consentiendum vel dissentiendum dicti remissioni et compromisso, quibus prendentibus si Domini de Liga abstinerent ab offensione etiam ipse et sui confederati abstinerent etc. videatur appunctamentum.
Et quia Magnificus orator venetus dixit oratoribus Christianissimi Regis seu aliquibus ex ipsis quod in petitionibus summi pontificis videlicet in xv et xvi articulis mentio expressa fiebat de expeditione fienda contra Turcum Dominiumque suum pacem cum ipso Turco contraxerat (fn. 13) quam frangere nolebat prout coram summo pontifice et sacro collegio declaraverat, et propterea videbatur sibi quod suum dominium illud non remitteret sed si posset fieri, quod hoc silentio pretermitteretur. Nihil attinebat ad suum dominium remissio predicta nisi tanquam auxiliare aliis potentatibus suis confederatis cum alie petitiones non tangerent Dominium suum sed Illustrissimos duces Mediolanen. et Excellentissimam Dominalionem Florentinorum. Ulterius ipsi oratores Christianissimi Regis male contenti de additione imperatoris et Ducis Maximiliani fuerunt et ad summum pontificem accesserunt et duo predicta sibi explicarunt et responsum obtinuerunt.
Primo respecto Dominii venetorum et pacis per ipsum facte cum Turco et articulorum predictorum xv et xvi de expeditione fienda contra Turcum silentio pretermittantur ne rompatur pax Italica et postea in congregatione principum super hoc dominium venetum poterit interrogari.
Secundo respecto imperatoris et Ducis Maximiliani respondit quod si Illus. Liga nolit eos nominari quod delebuntur et tota remissio fiet in ipsis Regibus et legato, et ita declaratum fuisset si dicti D. oratores Ill. Lige voluissent et declarabitur in compromittendo.
In quantum vero pertinet ad Regem Anglie, ille additus fuit ad requisitionem ipsius Christianissimi Regis qui traxit eum tanquam suum confederatum in favorem Illustrissime Lige et sic eadem Liga habet duos arbitros in sui favorem et papa non habet nisi unum et per consequens judicium residet in duobus per L. si duo ex tribus etc. Et maxime quia fiet coram persona Christianissimi Regis cum oratoribus serenissimi Regis Anglie qui et legatus indubitanter non transgredientur voluntatem Christianissimi Regis et propterea revera remissio ipsa consistit in persona Christianissimi Regis.
Preterea Christianissimus Rex habebit legatum quem voluerit et Illustris. Liga potest eum advertere de illo ut eidem non sit suspectus.
Quantum vero pertinet ad declarationem depositionis armorum, si erit vera vel ficta, proculdubio erit vera alias Illustrissima Liga non haberet causam compromittendi.
Super quo et etiam super restitutione castrorum et terrarum hinc inde occupatarum opus est, quod in confectione compromissi fiat declaratio et realis restitutio immobilium.
De et super quibus Ill. Liga et maxime Excell. Dominatio Florentina multum debet animadvertere et bene ponderare bona que ex pace predicta possunt sequi et mala que ex bono possunt devenire.
Primo ab hac hora in antea papa erit defensor et per bellum hujusmodi nihil Ill. Liga super terris ecclesie lucrari poterit et contra ecclesiam facere bellum non est honestum, quin immo animabus valde periculosum intellectis maledictionibus publicatis in die Jovis sancta excommunicationibus et censuris ecclesiasticis etc.
Secundo notorium est quod Turcus facit magnum classem pro ingrediendo Italiam, quod si faciat dicetur in toto orbe quod causa fuit Ill. Liga et maxime dominium venetorum attenta pace et conditionibus illius factis cum ipso Turco et si ingrediatur Italiam non poterit ejici quando Ill. Liga voluerit et in dies Turchus destruet dominium venetorum et totam Italiam.
Tertio omnes reges et principes erunt male contenti de Illma. Liga si esset causa tantorum malorum cum superioribus diebus in curia Romana in favorem suum non habuerit nisi Reges Francie et Anglie et si nunc recuset eis remittere et tale deditus eis facere ipsa posset eos perdere.
Quanto aut Ill. Liga vult confidere in ipsis Regibus aut non, si vult confidere non debet difficultatem facere de additione legati, quia nihil poterit nisi quod ipsi Reges decreverint et videretur hoc reliquendum esse arbitrio ipsorum Regum.
Quinto, postquam dicti articuli xv et sextusdecimus silentio pretermitterentur et nulla de eis fieret remissio alie petitiones solum concernunt ut premittitur Illustrissimos Duces Mediolanensis et Florentines, qui sunt parentes et antiquissimi confederati ipsius Regis Christianissimi et principaliores articuli concernunt ipsum Regem Christianissimum. Et propterea non debent diffidere de ipso Rege, immo libere dictum compromissum facere et remissioni predicte consentire.
De quibus Responsum petitur.
[Copy.]
1479.
June 20.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
361. Gio. Andrea Cagnola, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
On Thursday, the 17th inst. letters came from the Pope and the College of Cardinals and also from his Majesty's ambassadors, informing his Majesty of the Pope's decision to submit the differences of Italy to the king here and the King of England and a legate a latere whom the Pope will send here; and in case of disagreement the emperor and Duke Maximilian are also to take part.
Paris, the 20th June, 1479.
[Italian.]
Sept. 1.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
362. Carlo Visconti, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
I heard that the Pope proposed that the king here alone and the legate should be arbiters, removing the King of England. I suggested to the king that the Pope proposed this in order to sow discord between him and the King of England.
Orleans, the 1st September, 1479.
[Italian.]
Dec. 31.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
363. Gio. Andrea Cagnola, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
His Majesty seems to attach little importance to any negotiations with Duke Maximilian, unless he has the consent of the Flemish people, because the duke remains like a tavern bush (un circhulo ala taberna) (fn. 14) and can neither command nor dispose except as those people wish. I suggested to his Majesty that it would do no harm to treat with the duke, even if it were only to make that people suspicious and fight among themselves. This pleased him greatly.
I fancy that the King of England has constituted himself a judge of appeal between them, as the deputies for the peace between the king and the duke left without settling anything, and the duke and the Flemings forthwith sent their ambassadors to the King of England to justify (justificare) their cause and let him know that the peace did not fail through their fault. When the king here heard this he also sent his ambassadors to the said king to justify himself and show him that the peace did not fail through his fault, so your Excellency will perceive that he is anxious to keep his reputation clear.
Tours, the last day of December, 1479.

Footnotes

1 Bernard do Guerlands. There is an order to expel him from the Venaissin, dated the 7th February, 1479.—Lettres de Louis XI. vol. x, pages 412, 413.
2 Les Forges, near Chinon, Indre et Loire.
3 Boffile de Juge, Count of Castres.
4 Jean Blosset, Seigneur de Saint Pierre.
5 The reference is to the Pazzi conspiracy in April, 1478.
6 Louis Toustain.
7 Jean Blosset, Seigneur de Saint Pierre.
8 There is a letter of Louis XI to his Chancellor, from Les Forges, of the 14th March, 1479, informing him that he has written to the Count of Castres to send a secretary of the Chancery to Rome with the English doctor who was going there. Louis Toustain, Mâitre the Comptes of the King of France was the one sent. The English doctor was Thomas Langton.—Lettres de Louis XI, vol. vii, page 274.
9 Guy, Lord of Arpajon and Anthony de Morlhon, President of Toulouse.
10 Torn.
11 The French ambassadors were John de Voisins, Lord of Ambres; Anthony di Morlhon, President of Toulouse; Guy, Lord of Arpajon; Anthony de Tornussa; and John Berberii.—Lettres de Louis XI. vol. vii, pages 200, 201. The English were John Sant, Abbot of Abingdon; John Shirwode, Archdeacon of Richmond; John de Giglis; and John Doget,—Rymer: Fœdera, vol. v, part iii, page 102.
12 The French embassy mentioned here reached Rome in February, 1479, in which year the last day of May fell on a Monday, the day of the week given in the eighth paragraph of this document. Symonetto was imprisoned on the 10th September of that year; so the document, which is undated, belongs to some time between June and the 10th September of 1479, probably the earlier month.
13 The peace between Venice and the Turks, signed on the 26th January, 1479, and published on the 25th April following.
14 Cerchio di taberna; a tavern bush.—Florio; Italian Dict.


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